A rank-and-file slate backed by Teamsters for a Democratic Union has won leadership of Local 135, one of the union's biggest locals with 14,000 members. Photo: TDU Members overwhelmingly elected new leadership in the 14,000-member Teamsters Local 135, where Dustin Roach and the 135 Members First Slate won with 68 percent of the vote. The election is a triumph for grassroots action and rank-and-file power, after an intense grassroots member-to-member campaign. Local 135 is one of the biggest locals in the Teamsters, representing members across Indiana, Ohio, and Michigan as well as 2,000 flight attendants nationwide at Republic Airlines. Until recently, no one could have seen this change coming to a local that was tightly controlled by officers and dominated from the top down. But Local 135 members organized for change from the bottom up—and now they’re in the driver’s seat. START SMALL, BUILD BIGThe Members First movement began with two Teamsters deeply frustrated with their union’s resistance to involving members and standing up to employers. In January, a group of trusted friends met privately to discuss what it would take to bring change to the local. “We knew that members were tired of being kept in the dark and not getting strong representation,” said Roach. “But honestly, we didn’t know if people would be ready to step up. Like any organizing drive, we had to map it out and make realistic assessments.” For the next several months, a small committee of leaders and activists got to work talking to other Teamsters and building a network of members in beverage, warehousing, freight, construction, and UPS. ONE-ON-ONE CONVERSATIONS“It was all about agitation at the start,” said Bob Axum, a member at Transervice. “We asked a lot of questions and started to figure out that most members felt like we do—it’s time for change.” Local 135 represents 1,200 members in a chain of related employers in the grocery industry. Members in the “Kroger Triangle” work under separate contracts but share common concerns, including disrespect on the job, weak representation, and a lack of transparency or coordination in contract negotiations. The 4,500 UPS Teamsters in Local 135 voted to reject the 2018 contract and voted overwhelmingly for new leadership at the international union. “Our message was that we could elect new leadership in our local too, leaders that would mobilize the members to win the contract we deserve,” said UPS driver Corey Warren. Members First held a series of organizing meetings to recruit volunteers at worksites across the local. They set a goal of 100 endorsements by stewards and members from worksites across the local – and they exceeded it. COORDINATED CAMPAIGN KICKOFFAfter six months of small private organizing meetings, 135 Members First launched its campaign with a bang. Slate members and volunteers fanned out across the local and campaigned at 20 worksites in a week. At every company, they passed out a flyer with their slate’s platform on one side and the photos of dozens of member endorsers on the other. “It was a very public showing that Local 135 members were done being scared. We were uniting and using our strength in numbers to win change,” said Jesse Mikesell. Their launch rocked the union hall, sending incumbents into panic mode. Within days, the top two officers, Danny Barton and Jeff Combs, announced they would retire. Taking a page from the playbook of longtime Teamsters President James P. Hoffa, who endorsed Steve Vairma of Denver Local 455 to succeed him in the union’s 2021 presidential race, the local officers propped up a successor slate to run against the Members First insurgents. It didn’t work. Campaign activists stayed focused and continued to hit the streets. Their network grew as they identified workplace leaders and held campaign organizing and fundraising events. In just four months, they collected 3,000 phone numbers from supporters and prepared to Get Out the Vote. The ballot count lasted 18 hours. But when the dust settled, Members First had swept the election, 2,434 to 1,156. Change couldn’t be coming at a better time, with contract negotiations coming up at Sysco, UPS, T-Force, ABF, YRC, Holland, and across the Kroger Triangle. More than 20 Members First leaders are attending the TDU Convention this weekend. “The election win was powered by Local 135 members. But it never would have happened without Teamsters for a Democratic Union,” said Sarah Revard, Secretary-Treasurer elect. “This is about more than winning an election,” she said. “We can rebuild our union’s power by educating, informing, and mobilizing the members. That’s what Members First is about—and that’s what TDU is about, too.” AuthorBeth Breslaw is an organizer with Teamsters for a Democratic Union, where a version of this article first appeared. This article was republished from Labor Notes. Archives November 2022
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11/14/2022 Lula Must Save Brazil From Savage Capitalism, Says Federal Deputy Juliana Cardoso By: Vijay Prashad & Zoe AlexandraRead NowJuliana Cardoso is sitting in her office in front of a lavender, orange, and yellow mandala that was made for her. She has been a member of São Paulo’s city council since 2008. On October 2, 2022, as a candidate for the Workers Party (PT), Cardoso won a seat in Brazil’s lower house, the Federal Chamber of Deputies. She is wearing a t-shirt that bears the powerful slogan: O Brasil é terra indígena (Brazil is Indigenous land). The slogan echoes her brave campaign against the disregard shown by Jair Bolsonaro, Brazil’s 38th president defeated on October 30, towards the Indigenous populations of his country. In 2020, during the height of the pandemic, Bolsonaro vetoed Law no. 14021 which would have provided drinking water and basic medical materials to Indigenous communities. Several organizations took Bolsonaro to the International Criminal Court for this action. In April 2022, Cardoso wrote that the rights of the Indigenous “did not come from the kindness of those in power, but from the struggles of Indigenous people over the centuries. Though guaranteed in the [1988] Constitution, these rights are threatened daily.” Her political work has been defined by her commitment to her own Indigenous heritage but also by her deep antipathy to the “savage capitalism” that has cannibalized her country. Savage Capitalism Bolsonaro had accelerated a project that Cardoso told us was an “avalanche of savage capitalism. It is a capitalism that kills, that destroys, that makes a lot of money for a few people.” The current beneficiaries of this capitalism refuse to recognize that the days of their unlimited profits are nearly over. These people—most of whom supported Bolsonaro—“live in a bubble of their own, with lots of money, with swimming pools.” Lula’s election victory on October 30 will not immediately halt their “politics of death,” but it has certainly opened a new possibility. New studies about poverty in Brazil reveal startling facts. An FGV Social study from July 2022 found that almost 63 million Brazilians—30% of the country’s population—live below the poverty line (10 million Brazilians slipped below that line to join those in poverty between 2019 and 2021). The World Bank documented the spatial and racial divides of Brazil’s poverty: three in ten of Brazil’s poor are Afro-Brazilian women in urban areas, while three-quarters of children in poverty live in rural areas. President Bolsonaro’s policies of upward redistribution of wealth during the pandemic and after contributed to the overall poverty in the country and exacerbated the deep social inequalities of race and region that already existed. This, Cardoso says, is evidence of the “savage capitalism” that has gripped her country and left tens of millions of Brazilians in a “hole, with no hope of living.” To Sow Hope“I was born and raised within the PT,” she tells us, in the Sapopemba area of São Paulo. Surrounded by the struggles against “savage capitalism,” Cardoso was raised by parents who were active in the PT. “As a girl, I walked amongst those who built the PT, such as José Dirceu, José Genoino, President Lula himself,” as well as her mother—Ana Cardoso, who was one of the founders of the PT. Her parents—Ana Cardoso and Jonas “Juruna” Cardoso—were active in the struggles of the metalworkers and for public housing in the Fazenda da Juta area of Sapopemba. A few days after he led a protest in 1985, Juruna was shot to death by mysterious gunmen. Juliana had been sitting in his lap outside their modest home in the COHAB Teotônio Vilela. Her mother was told not to insist on an investigation, since this would “bring more deaths.” This history of struggle defines Juliana. “We are not bureaucrats,” she told us. “We are militants.” People like her who will be in the Congress will “use the instrument of the mandate to move an agenda” to better the conditions of everyday life. Pointing to the mandala in her office, Juliana says, “I think this lilac part is my shyness.” Her active life in politics, she says, “kind of changed me from being shy to being much firmer.” There is only one reason “why I am here,” she says, and that is “to sow, to have hope for seeds that will fight with me for the working class, for women, during this difficult class struggle.” Politics in Brazil is Violent Lula will be sworn into office on January 1, 2023. He will face a Chamber of Deputies and a Senate that are in the grip of the right-wing. This is not a new phenomenon, although the centrão (centre), the opportunistic bloc in the parliament that has run things, will now have to work alongside far-right members of Bolsonaro’s movement. Juliana and her left allies will be in a minority. The right, she says, enters politics with no desire to open a dialogue about the future of Brazil. Many right-wing politicians are harsh, formed by fake news and a suffocating attitude to money and religion. “Hate, weapons, death”—these are the words that seem to define the right-wing in Brazil. It is because of them that politics “is very violent.” Juliana entered politics through struggles developed by the Base Ecclesiastical Communities (CEBs) of the Catholic Church, learning her ethics through Liberation Theology through the work of Dom Paulo Evaristo Arns and Paulo Freire. “You have to engage people in their struggles, dialogue with them about their struggles,” she told us. This attitude to building struggles and dialoguing with anyone defines Juliana as she prepares to go to Brasilia and take her seat in the right-wing dominated National Congress. Lula, Juliana says, “is an ace.” Few politicians have his capacity to dialogue with and convince others about the correctness of his positions. The left is weak in the National Congress, but it has the advantage of Lula. “President Lula will need to be the big star,” said Juliana. He will have to lead the charge to save Brazil from savage capitalism. AuthorVijay Prashad is an Indian historian, editor, and journalist. He is a writing fellow and chief correspondent at Globetrotter. He is an editor of LeftWord Books and the director of Tricontinental: Institute for Social Research. He is a senior non-resident fellow at Chongyang Institute for Financial Studies, Renmin University of China. He has written more than 20 books, including The Darker Nations and The Poorer Nations. His latest books are Struggle Makes Us Human: Learning from Movements for Socialism and (with Noam Chomsky) The Withdrawal: Iraq, Libya, Afghanistan, and the Fragility of U.S. Power. This article was produced by Globetrotter. Archives November 2022 11/14/2022 Elon Musk Plans to Profit From Twitter, Not Create a Town Square for Global Democracy By: Sonali KolhatkarRead Now The world’s richest man has bought one of the world’s most popular social media platforms. Elon Musk, CEO of Tesla, is currently worth about $210 billion, and in November 2021 he was worth nearly $300 billion—an unheard-of figure for any individual in human history. Not only does his wealth bode ill for democracy, considering the financial influence that he has over politics, but his acquisition of Twitter, a powerful opinion platform, as a private company also further cements his power. To put his money into perspective, if Musk wanted to gift every single Twitter user $800, (given that Twitter has about 238 million regular users) he would still have about $20 billion left over to play with and never ever want for money. Musk’s greed is the central fact to keep in mind when attempting to predict what his ownership of Twitter means. Musk has shrewdly fostered a reputation for being a genius, deserving of his obscene wealth. But his private texts during Twitter deal negotiations, recently revealed in court documents during legal wrangling over the sale, paint a picture of a simple mind unable to come to terms with his excess. His idea of “fun” is having “huge amounts of money” to play with. And, he has an outsized opinion of himself. Billionaires like Musk see themselves as being the only ones capable of unleashing greatness in the world. He said as much in his letter to the Twitter board saying, “Twitter has extraordinary potential,” and adding, “I will unlock it.” Such hubris is only natural when one wields more financial power than the human brain is capable of coming to terms with. Musk has also been adept at cultivating a reputation for having a purist approach to free speech, and diverting attention away from his wealth. Former president Donald Trump, who repeatedly violated Twitter’s standards before eventually being banned, said he’s “very happy that Twitter is now in sane hands.” Indeed, there is rampant speculation that Musk will reinstate Trump’s account. But, Nora Benavidez, senior counsel and director of Digital Justice and Civil Rights at Free Press, said in an interview earlier this year that Musk is not as much of a free speech absolutist as he is “kind of an anything-goes-for-Twitter future CEO.” She adds, “I think that vision is one in which he imagines social media moderation of content will just happen. But it doesn’t just happen by magic alone. It must have guardrails.” The guardrails that Twitter has had so far did not work well enough. It took the company four years of Trump’s violent and inciteful tweets, and a full-scale attack on the U.S. Capitol, to finally ban him from the platform. In the week after Trump and several of his allies were banned, misinformation dropped by a whopping 73 percent on the platform. Twitter delayed action on Trump’s tweets only because its prime goal is to generate profits, not foster free speech. These are Musk’s goals too, and all indications suggest he will weaken protections, not strengthen them. According to Benavidez, “His imagined future that Twitter will somehow be an open and accepting square—that has to happen very carefully through a number of things that will increase better moderation and enforcement on the company’s service.” Musk appears utterly incapable of thinking about such things. Instead, his plans include ideas like charging users $20 a monthto have a verification badge next to their names—a clear nod to his worldview that money ought to determine what is true or who holds power. Benavidez explains that “because it has helped their bottom lines,” companies like Twitter are “fueling and fanning the flames for the most incendiary content,” such as tweets by former Twitter user Trump and his ilk, incitements to violence, and the promotion of conspiracy theories. There is much at stake given that Twitter has a strong influence on political discourse. For example, Black Twitter, one of the most important phenomena to emerge from social media, is a loosely organized community of thousands of vocal Black commentators who use the platform to issue powerful and pithy opinions on social and racial justice, pop culture, electoral politics, and more. Black Twitter played a critical role in helping organize and spreading news about protests during the 2020 uprising sparked by George Floyd’s murder at the hands of Minneapolis police. But within days of Musk’s purchase of Twitter, thousands of anonymous accounts began bombarding feeds with racist content, tossing around the N-word, leaving members of Black Twitter aghast and traumatized. Yoel Roth, the company’s head of safety and integrity—who apparently still retains his job--tweeted that “More than 50,000 Tweets repeatedly using a particular slur came from just 300 accounts,” suggesting this was an organized and coordinated attack. Whether or not Musk’s buyout of Twitter will actually succeed in making history’s richest man even richer by rolling out the welcome mat to racist trolls is not clear. Already, numerous celebrities with large followings have closed their Twitter accounts. Hollywood’s top Black TV showrunner, Shonda Rhimes posted her last tweet, saying, “Not hanging around for whatever Elon has planned. Bye.” Twitter also impacts journalism. According to a Pew Research study, 94 percent of all journalists in the U.S. use Twitter in their job. Younger journalists favor it the most of all age groups. Journalists covering the automotive industry are worried about whether criticism of Tesla will be tolerated on the platform. And, Reporters Without Borders warned Musk that “Journalism must not be a collateral victim” of his management. Misinformation and distrust in government lead to apathy and a weakening of democracy. This is good for billionaires like Musk, who has made very clear that he vehemently opposes a wealth tax of the sort that Democrats are backing. Indeed, he has used his untaxed wealth to help buy the platform. If Twitter is capable of influencing public opinion in order to help elect anti-tax politicians, why wouldn’t Musk pursue such a strategy? Musk has made it clear that he will not be a hands-off owner. He set to work as soon as the deal was cemented by firing Twitter’s top executives and the entire board. As a privately owned company, Twitter will now answer to Musk and his underlings, not to shareholders. Benavidez summarizes one of the most important lessons that Musk’s purchase offers: “It can’t simply be that this company or that company is owned and at the whim of a single individual who might be bored and want to take on a side project.” AuthorSonali Kolhatkar is an award-winning multimedia journalist. She is the founder, host, and executive producer of “Rising Up With Sonali,” a weekly television and radio show that airs on Free Speech TV and Pacifica stations. Her forthcoming book is Rising Up: The Power of Narrative in Pursuing Racial Justice (City Lights Books, 2023). She is a writing fellow for the Economy for All project at the Independent Media Institute and the racial justice and civil liberties editor at Yes! Magazine. She serves as the co-director of the nonprofit solidarity organization the Afghan Women’s Mission and is a co-author of Bleeding Afghanistan. She also sits on the board of directors of Justice Action Center, an immigrant rights organization. This article was produced by Economy for All, a project of the Independent Media Institute. Archives November 2022 11/14/2022 How the National Infrastructure Program Boosts Workers Across the Economy By: Tom ConwayRead NowChris Frydenger and his coworkers at the Mueller Co. in Decatur, Illinois, began ramping up production of valves, couplings, and other products used in water and gas systems soon after President Joe Biden signed the Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act (IIJA) in 2021. But the life-changing impact of the $1.2 trillion infrastructure program really struck Frydenger, grievance chair for United Steelworkers (USW) Local 7-838, when management reached out to the union with an unprecedented proposal. The company asked to reopen the local’s contract and negotiate an additional pay increase so it could hire and retain enough workers to meet the dramatic spike in orders. “Everybody in the union got a raise,” Frydenger recalled. Historic improvements to America’s roads, bridges, airports, public utilities, and communications networks have generated surging demand for aluminum and steel as well as raw materials like nickel and ore and the pipes, batteries, valves, and other components needed for thousands of infrastructure projects. That demand, in turn, continues to create family-sustaining jobs, put more money in workers’ pockets, and lift the middle class, just as labor unions and their Democratic allies predicted when they pushed the legislation through Congress and onto Biden’s desk. “This story needs to be told, for sure. It at least doubled our business in a short period of time,” said Frydenger, noting the local’s 408 members not only received middle-of-the-contract pay increases but also continue to avail themselves of all the overtime they want. Workers use that extra money to buy cars and appliances, remodel their houses, and support local businesses, among many other purposes, helping to extend the IIJA’s reach to virtually every segment of the local economy. “It’s had such an impact that in our new hire orientations, our general manager talks about it,” Frydenger said of the IIJA. “That’s how big an impact it’s had on sales. He gives all the credit to the infrastructure bill.” The billions allocated for drinking water, sewer, and stormwater upgrades will enable utilities across the nation to extend distribution systems, replace aging pipes, curtail runoff, and address lead and other contaminants. And investments in natural gas infrastructure—as well as solar, wind, and hydrogen power—will help the country build a more secure, reliable energy base. Domestic procurement requirements in the infrastructure law will ensure these projects rely on products such as those made at the Decatur plant. What makes Frydenger happier still is knowing that his union brothers and sisters up and down the supply chain also have brighter futures because of the infrastructure push. An increasing number of orders prompted Mueller Co. to expand its purchases of brass, a raw material in the company’s production process. Helping to fill that need are about 225 members of USW Local 7248 at Wieland Chase, a brass manufacturing plant in Montpelier, Ohio, and about 50 members of USW Local 9777 at H. Kramer & Co., a brass and bronze ingot foundry in Chicago. “The orders have just piled up because of the rebuilding and construction,” said Local 9777 President Steve Kramer, noting that the business boom spurred by the infrastructure program helped his members win good raises and other gains in a recently completed contract with the foundry. “When orders are up and they’re under the gun, we’ve got a little more leverage.” “They’re growing. They just hired more people,” Kramer said of the foundry’s increased business with Mueller Co., among other customers. He added that the IIJA also has boosted production and employment at many of the 40 or so other USW-represented companies covered by his amalgamated local. The Decatur plant sells products directly to customers. But it also ships some of what Frydenger and his coworkers make to other Mueller facilities, where even more USW members are experiencing the benefits of the infrastructure program. “It just flooded our orders,” said Chad Dickerson, president of Local 00065B, which represents about 450 union members who manufacture Mueller fire hydrants in Albertville, Alabama, known as the “fire hydrant capital of the world.” “It’s definitely created some jobs for us,” said Dickerson, adding, “We’re going to start staffing a weekend crew.” The increase in orders “probably added 50 jobs we never would have had,” and Dickerson estimated the need to create up to 100 more jobs in coming months. Those hydrants go to places like Groton, Connecticut, where members of USW Local 9411-00 provide water and sewer service to thousands of customers. “The Mueller hydrant is our standard throughout the system,” explained Kevin Ziolkovsky, Local 9411-00 unit president, whose members at Groton Utilities serve the city of Groton and a handful of neighboring communities. Crews installed some of the hydrants in a housing plan during a recent maintenance program, he said, calling them “easy to work on” and “tough as steel.” He added that even after they’re struck by vehicles, an occasional occurrence, USW members need only “change a few parts and put them back in service.” Ziolkovsky and his coworkers look forward to using more of those hydrants and other Mueller products in infrastructure program projects that would boost customers’ safety and quality of life. “Any time you upgrade the system, you reduce the possibility of water main breaks or blockages,” Ziolkovsky observed. “Your water quality increases. Your water pressure is better.” Workers at Mueller have been making these top-of-the-line products for about 150 years. With the infrastructure program, Frydenger noted, they’ll continue making them—and newer versions—for decades to come. “We’re innovating more every day,” he said. “I can’t tell you how much it fills my heart to be part of this.” AuthorTom Conway is the international president of the United Steelworkers Union (USW). This article was produced by the Independent Media Institute. Archives November 2022 11/12/2022 A Deficit Spending Scam Destroyed UK’s Prime Minister—Who’s Next? By: Richard D. WolffRead NowWith its disguises as “high finance” for the mystified and “Keynesian fiscal policy” for those “in the know,” deficit spending by the government was quite a successful scam for a long while. When the UK’s ex-prime minister opened her new government in September, Liz Truss followed tradition by trying to run the oft-used scam again. But this time it did not work. Eventually, even successful scams stop working. Its failure became hers but also her party’s, the Conservatives.’ Neither of them understood the scam’s limits. Perhaps its disguises had worked best on those who repeated them most in thought and word. In its UK version, the deficit spending scam entailed the Conservative (but also some Labor) governments repeatedly cutting taxes on corporations and the rich. Serving their donors explains most of this. Without this scam, such behavior would have forced governments to act in traditional ways they now sought to avoid. One way would be to raise taxes on others to offset tax cuts for corporations and the rich. Governments only dared to do that partially, never enough to compensate for revenues lost from the tax cuts benefiting corporations and the rich. The other way would be to cut government spending. Governments did that also, especially when the Conservatives recast public services as unnecessary, wasteful, counterproductive, or in short, “socialistic.” But doing so angers the masses and risks losing votes for the government. Even when the masses could be distracted by campaigning against select foreigners (via Brexit against Europe and via Ukraine against Russia), public service cuts never compensated for what corporations and the rich were saving by having their taxes cut. Enter the scam that claimed deficit spending “solved” the governments’ problems. Governments could 1) keep cutting their rich patrons’ taxes, 2) avoid offsetting tax increases on the middle and poor, and 3) avoid social service cuts. The scam was to spend without imposing taxes to raise the funds required to support spending (“deficit spending”). While deficit spending violated traditional rules for governments to balance their budgets, new and extreme economic threats (the dot-com crash, the Great Recession, the COVID-19 crash, and the sanctions war against Russia) justified trying to implement the scam. Alternatively, deficit spending could be justified as practical, a regrettable necessity of managing those recurrent business cycles. Deficit spending came to be politicians’ magic sauce. It enabled them to boast about all they could spend on (for employers and employees) without raising taxes as if doing so flowed from the governmental efficiency of politicians. Governments could pander to corporations and the rich without it leading them to impose government austerity measures on the rest. The 1 percent gained a lot while the 99 percent gained a little. The scam’s seamy side was massively “underreported.” It was and still is a fact that UK governments borrowed most of the money for deficit spending from the UK corporations and the rich. Once the government had cut taxes, the money saved by those corporations and the rich could be and was often lent to that government. The scam offered a certain “no-brainer” opportunity to corporations and the rich. Instead of making a one-time tax payment to the government (like other taxpayers do) corporations and the rich can instead lend that money to the government. The government security obtained in exchange provides repayment in full in the future plus annual interest payments till then. This scam has worked for many years across global capitalism. After former UK Prime Minister Boris Johnson lied his way out of office, Liz Truss presumed she could and would run the scam again, loudly and proudly, with the usual political applause. All her predecessors had. But this turned out to be the time and the place where the scam would hit its limits. Ironically, the very beneficiaries of the tax cuts Truss proposed for the corporations and the rich were the “investors” who balked. They took a good look at the UK government’s financial conditions and decided not to lend it more money without much higher interest rates (and maybe not even then). Very quickly—as these things often go—higher interest rates drove down bond prices threatening UK pension plan assets. Suddenly, the unraveling of the UK economy could be glimpsed as could be its risks for global capitalism. Leading the blind, President Joe Biden said of Liz Truss that she had “made a ‘mistake.’” The old scam’s Achilles’ heel: at some point, corporations and the rich might see too much risk in lending the government money they saved from their cut taxes. The very repetition of the scam over decades might accumulate levels of the UK’s national debt plus conditions in global capitalism that are rendered risky. Lending the UK still more money suddenly made little sense as an investment; other options were better. It is true that the capitalist political economy positions the government in a structurally impossible dilemma. Both employer and employee classes want government services for themselves and likewise want to pay minimal taxes. The wealth and power concentrated with the employer class make them consistently more successful in tilting public finance their way. They get the services they want and likewise, shift the tax burden onto others. When conditions change and no longer enable the employer class to prevail that way in determining what the government does, big changes happen. In the 1930s Great Depression, John Maynard Keynes showed how deficit spending could fix broken capitalism without endangering capitalism itself. In the awful depths of that crash (capitalism’s worst to date), there was no time or space to worry that deficit spending’s “fix” was only partial and temporary or about limits to its effectiveness. That would excuse Keynes, but hardly the multitude of politicians, academics, and journalists who could have and should have seen—but never saw—the scam and the injustice involved. Will the UK working class learn that prevailing economic theories and policies have always been partisan in the class sense of serving and favoring employers over employees? Most of what passes as “the economic policy we need now” is really pleading by a self-interested employer class. Raising interest rates to fight inflation is the big example these days. Among the forms and fields of class struggle, debunking economic policies’ claims of being class neutral is an ongoing battle. AuthorRichard D. Wolff is professor of economics emeritus at the University of Massachusetts, Amherst, and a visiting professor in the Graduate Program in International Affairs of the New School University, in New York. Wolff’s weekly show, “Economic Update,” is syndicated by more than 100 radio stations and goes to 55 million TV receivers via Free Speech TV. His three recent books with Democracy at Work are The Sickness Is the System: When Capitalism Fails to Save Us From Pandemics or Itself, Understanding Marxism, and Understanding Socialism. This article was produced by Economy for All, a project of the Independent Media Institute. Archives November 2022 11/12/2022 Nicolás Maduro at COP27: “There is a connection between the environmental crisis and global poverty” By: People's DispatchRead NowIn his address to COP27, the Venezuelan president highlighted that capitalism was responsible for the environmental crisis and urged the body to move forward with climate financing The 27th iteration of the Conference of Parties to the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change, or COP27, began on Sunday, November 6 in Sharm El-Sheikh, Egypt. The gathering has brought together over 45,000 people from 196 countries, including 120 heads of state. Participants will have until November 18 to build serious, global solutions to address the pressing climate crisis in all of its dimensions. On November 8, the president of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela, Nicolás Maduro, addressed the gathering. Maduro did not participate in the last several COP summits, and this year’s participation comes amid a moment of warming relations between his government and countries of the Global North and the region of Latin America and the Caribbean. Until recently, many countries recognized the former deputy Juan Guaidó as the legitimate leader of Venezuela. However, in the past year, many of the recently elected progressive governments in Latin America have resumed formal relations with the legitimate government of Venezuela, and Global North countries have resumed relations amid the global energy crisis. When he arrived at COP27 on Sunday, November 6, Maduro had announced that he would seek to propose a South American summit in defense of the Amazon with Colombian President Gustavo Petro and Brazilian president-elect Lula da Silva. The Venezuelan president’s speech highlighted the importance of recognizing that capitalism and its logic of overproduction and exploitation is the primary root cause behind the environmental crisis. He also called on those present to take urgent action on climate financing in order to support and protect those who are most impacted by climate change and are overwhelmingly those who have contributed the least to carbon emissions and greenhouse gasses. Maduro also highlighted the importance of preserving the Amazon rainforest and the Indigenous peoples who have for centuries inhabited and protected it. Read the entire address of Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro to the 27th United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change below: The terrible environmental imbalances that today dramatically affect life throughout the planet seem to indicate that Climate Change -as it’s called with incoherent euphemism- is an irreversible fact. Feared by many and denied by the elites, the dystopian scenario of which the scientific community, some world leaders and almost all social movements warned early on, has become a self-fulfilling prophecy. The greatest environmental crisis since life has existed. The climate crisis is an unavoidable reality that can only be confronted with concrete, urgent, and immediate actions. It is doubly painful to have to admit, moreover, that the dimension of this crisis does not take us by surprise. Since the beginning of environmental diplomacy, there was sufficient data to declare an early emergency and act accordingly. That was three decades ago. With the signing of the historic Kyoto agreement in 1997, an important consensus was reached on the reduction of the carbon footprint by industrialized and developing countries, which until 2009 yielded significant, albeit insufficient, results. The Paris Agreement also aimed to improve the mechanisms that oblige developed countries to reduce their impact on global warming and, above all, finally gave a binding character to the contributions of science in this regard. But there were also painful stalemates and ruptures, such as those that occurred in 2009 in Copenhagen, where the unwillingness of the denialist elites to move forward at the right pace and in the right direction, that of life, became evident. We still remember the police repression in the streets against the environmental movements and the corporate bureaucratic plots that were created since then to avoid us reaching agreements and firm commitments which would allow us all to build a sensible and relevant solution to the climate situation that is already in a critical phase. President: We have lost much more than time: every hour, every month, every year of inaction, of hesitation, of indolence, translates today into destroyed ecosystems, extinct species and the deterioration of the conditions of a planet that had given us everything with generosity but that today begins to take a huge toll for the abuses committed. Recognizing the failures of civilization in this area is the beginning of a radical rectification. Yesterday we were threatened by climate change, but today we are faced with a fatal destiny which is the complete collapse of the ecosystem. The most current projections say it: if we continue at this self-destructive pace, the planet will be uninhabitable in 30 or 40 years. We know that this climate crisis has and will have definitive consequences on the planet, forcing us to modify our consumerist model of life. The latest UN report on climate change, in which 14,000 scientists from around the world participated, warned that if greenhouse gas emissions such as carbon dioxide, methane, and iron oxide are not reduced by 50%, the damage will be irreversible in just eight years. That is, by 2030 there will be no turning back from what we are experiencing: storms, hurricanes, rains, extreme cold, and heat that unexpectedly change the conditions of life and even more, compromise our existence. Global warming is wiping out species on earth and this seems to be unstoppable. To mention an example: extreme heat could extinguish bees and if there are no bees the pollination cycle is interrupted, if there is no pollination plants do not reproduce and this would decrease oxygen. Let’s look at the data: – The average annual global temperature in the last 100 years rose 0.8°C and is expected to exceed 1.7°C for the next five years. – Greenhouse gasses are at the highest levels in human history. This level, which had fallen in 2020, when the world was quarantined by the pandemic. In 2021, with the industrial and commercial reactivation, the level surpassed the record of 2019 which was approximately 12% higher than in 2010 and 54% higher than in 1990. In 32 years there was an increase that should have happened over centuries. – Phenomena such as droughts and extreme rainfall are increasing accordingly and in a disorderly way: about 80% of natural disasters between 2001 and 2021 were related either to droughts or floods. – According to estimates by climate experts, by 2050 the Arctic Ocean will be virtually free of sea ice for the first time in history and with a temperature rise of 2°C 99% of the world’s corals could be lost. – Similarly, sea levels have risen about 23 centimeters since 1880, and almost half of that took place in the last 25 years. Each year, the sea rises another 3.4 millimeters. – That rise is causing freshwater to become salty, compromising the water resources on which millions of people depend. – Rising temperatures can attract deadly pathogens to freshwater sources and make it unsafe for human consumption. Without a doubt, human civilization is responsible for the serious consequences that the planet is experiencing today. However, this statement is incomplete and would be hypocritical if it is not detailed that this civilization is profoundly unequal. It is made up of countries that have been indiscriminately exploiting the planet’s natural resources for two centuries, while others barely have enough to feed themselves and persist under a pre-industrial mode of production. Venezuela is responsible for less than 0.4% of global greenhouse gas emissions. Nevertheless, the Venezuelan people must pay the consequences of an imbalance caused by the major Western economies, who have polluted and continue to pollute the planet for the benefit of a few. Existence as we know it has been forever disrupted to the detriment of all living species on the planet. The rate of extinction of the species that today make up the complex organism of biodiversity is accelerating and extending alarmingly, just as Commander Fidel Castro Ruz warned in that famous call of conscience he made 30 years ago at the Rio Summit in Brazil. I quote: “An important biological species is at risk of disappearing due to the rapid and progressive liquidation of its natural conditions of life: man,” and prophetically warning the following: “Tomorrow it will be too late to do what we should have done a long time ago”. He also pointed out that savage and predatory capitalism is largely responsible for the threat against nature. It will be useless, as it has been until today, any effort we undertake to alleviate the consequences of this environmental disaster, if we do not have the courage to recognize that this and this alone is the cause of the coming disaster. In 2009 in Copenhagen, Commander Hugo Rafael Chávez Frías had the courage to say it plainly and directly. Allow me to bring some of his ideas here today. I quote: “What is the cause of climate change? The cause is the dream of seeking happiness through material accumulation and endless progress, using techniques with which all the earth’s resources can be exploited in an unlimited way” (…) “Let us not change the climate, let us change the system” he declared. President, The imbalance and the environmental crisis created in nature are comparable to the conditions of inequality and injustice that capitalism has created against humanity. A system that normalizes exploitation among human beings has no ethical conditions to respect other forms of existence. Capitalism sees resources where other cultures see life and the sacred. It therefore feels entitled to possess and destroy everything in its path. President, fellow dignitaries: It is necessary to reach real and effective agreements in the face of the structural problem but we must also design today, right now, a concrete agenda of actions to protect the vulnerable populations of the world, who suffer the most from the consequences of this environmental tragedy: famine, the loss of millions of homes, the proliferation of multiple diseases and the human displacements that have been causing desertification and the sinking of entire fertile territories. Humanity cannot continue to be orphaned. It is necessary to materialize, without delays or bureaucratic obstacles, the fund for climate losses and damages that we have been talking about for some years now in previous summits. We must work on this urgent proposal down to the last detail. Let us fine-tune the mechanisms so that the financial assistance is direct, fair, timely and expeditious, so that compensation for environmental damage reaches the most affected peoples. Any agreement reached today must attack the root of the problem and give attention above all to the most vulnerable. It is necessary to take into account the singularities of the countries that make up the globalized world and to assign, according to their responsibility in the destruction of the environment, concrete tasks to save humanity and alleviate the effects of ecological imbalance. The abysmal inequality between the countries of the so-called first world and the rest has increased and deepened in recent decades at the same pace as environmental destruction. There is a connection between the environmental crisis and global poverty. The indiscriminate exploitation of renewable and non-renewable resources, in addition to producing environmental misery, is responsible for social misery on a planetary scale, since it exacerbates it. This cannot be ignored at the moment of creating drastic measures and effective plans to correct and regulate the activities of civilization for the future. Finally, we advocate as a sovereign country for the protection of the Amazon: as the last great jungle of this planet where all the biodiversity, water resources and the living memory of the native peoples, who never in their millennia of existence have left an irreparable mark on that sacred soil. On the contrary, it is the native peoples who teach us that nature is not a separate and inanimate being, separated from human beings, but our totality: we are the physical and spiritual extension of nature and nature is ours. The ancestral and native cultures of an entire continent, from the Sioux of North America to the Yanomami of the South, conceived the earth as a living being that feels and thinks like us. Let us wake up to this truth and get out of the anthropocentric arrogance that prevents us from seeing the sacredness of the world. Venezuelan men and women are not known for being pessimists. We have with us a tireless spirit of struggle and an immense love for life that elevates us to think of a new humanity, from a new spirituality. A humanity reconciled with nature, reconciled with itself and reconciled with the future. As the Canadian philosopher Marshall McLuhan said: “There are no more passengers on this spaceship called Earth: we are all crew members”. I know that there is not a man, nor a woman who is willing to see this beautiful adventure that can be the new humanity eclipsed. Nor will we sit back and watch the end of days. Let the world count on these hard-working and hopeful people, ready to join forces with everyone to save the planet. The illusion of infinite development is over: let us now put a limit to the damage caused to Mother Nature. Chairman, brothers and sisters: The time for speeches is over, as well as the time for lamentations. There is only one present to act radically and with certainty in favor of another possible world and a true life. And even if the present is an instant in the eyes of eternity, it will be enough if there is a will to live. Thank you very much. AuthorPeople's Dispatch This article was republished from People's Dispatch. Archives November 2022 11/12/2022 Guinea’s Plight Lays Bare the Greed of Foreign Mining Companies in the Sahel By: Vijay PrashadRead NowOn October 20, 2022, in Guinea, a protest organized by the National Front for the Defense of the Constitution (FNDC) took place. The protesters demanded the ruling military government (the National Committee of Reconciliation and Development, or CNRD) release political detainees and sought to establish a framework for a return to civilian rule. They were met with violent security forces, and in Guinea’s capital, Conakry, at least five people were injured and three died from gunshot wounds. The main violence was in Conakry’s commune of Ratoma, one of the poorest areas in the city. In September 2021, the CNRD, led by Colonel Mamady Doumbouya, overthrew the government of Alpha Condé, which had been in power for more than a decade and was steeped in corruption. In 2020, then-President Alpha Condé’s son—Alpha Mohamed Condé—and his minister of defense—Mohamed Diané—were accused of bribery in a complaint that the Collective for the Transition in Guinea (CTG) filed with the French National Financial Prosecutor’s Office. The complaint alleges that these men received bribes from an international consortium in exchange for bauxite mining rights near the city of Boké. Boké, in northwestern Guinea, is the epicenter of the country’s bauxite mining. Guinea has the world’s largest reserves of bauxite (estimated to be 7.4 billion metric tons) and is the second-largest producer (after Australia) of bauxite, an essential mineral for aluminum. All the mining in Guinea is controlled by multinational firms, such as Alcoa (U.S.), China Hongqiao, and Rio Tinto Alcan (Anglo-Australian), which operate in association with Guinean state entities. When the CNRD under Colonel Doumbouya seized power, one of the main issues at stake was control over the bauxite revenues. In April 2022, Doumbouya assembled the major mining companies and told them that by the end of May they had to provide a road map for the creation of bauxite refineries in Guinea or else exit the country. Doumbouya said, “Despite the mining boom in the bauxite sector, it is clear that the expected revenues are below expectations. We can no longer continue this fool’s game that perpetuates great inequality” between Guinea and the international companies. The deadline was extended to June, and the ultimatum’s demands to cooperate or leave are ongoing. Doumbouya’s CNRD in Guinea, like the military governments in Burkina Faso and Mali, came to power amid popular sentiment fed up with the oligarchies in their country and with French rule. Doumbouya’s 2017 comments in Paris reflect that latter sentiment. He said that French military officers who come to Guinea “underestimate the human and intellectual capacities of Africans… They have haughty attitudes and take themselves for the colonist who knows everything, who masters everything.” This coup government--formed out of an elite force created by Alpha Condé to fight terrorism—has captured the frustrations of the population, but is unable to construct a viable agenda to exit the country’s dependence on foreign mining companies. In the meantime, the protests for a return to democracy are unlikely to be quelled. AuthorVijay Prashad is an Indian historian, editor, and journalist. He is a writing fellow and chief correspondent at Globetrotter. He is an editor of LeftWord Books and the director of Tricontinental: Institute for Social Research. He is a senior non-resident fellow at Chongyang Institute for Financial Studies, Renmin University of China. He has written more than 20 books, including The Darker Nations and The Poorer Nations. His latest books are Struggle Makes Us Human: Learning from Movements for Socialism and (with Noam Chomsky) The Withdrawal: Iraq, Libya, Afghanistan, and the Fragility of U.S. Power. This article was produced by Globetrotter. Archives November 2022 11/12/2022 Does the U.S. Chip Ban on China Amount to a Declaration of War in the Computer Age? By: Prabir PurkayasthaRead NowSanctions can at best slow China from taking the global lead in chip manufacturing. At their worst, they will raise the chances of chip wars spilling into a physical or economic sphere. The United States has gambled big in its latest across-the-board sanctions on Chinese companies in the semiconductor industry, believing it can kneecap China and retain its global dominance. From the slogans of globalization and “free trade” of the neoliberal 1990s, Washington has reverted to good old technology denial regimes that the U.S. and its allies followed during the Cold War. While it might work in the short run in slowing down the Chinese advances, the cost to the U.S. semiconductor industry of losing China—its biggest market—will have significant consequences in the long run. In the process, the semiconductor industries of Taiwan and South Korea and equipment manufacturers in Japan and the European Union are likely to become collateral damage. It reminds us again of what former U.S. Secretary of State Henry Kissinger once said: “It may be dangerous to be America’s enemy, but to be America’s friend is fatal.” The purpose of the U.S. sanctions, the second generation of sanctions after the earlier one in August 2021, is to restrict China’s ability to import advanced computing chips, develop and maintain supercomputers, and manufacture advanced semiconductors. Though the U.S. sanctions are cloaked in military terms—denying China access to technology and products that can help China’s military—in reality, these sanctions target almost all leading semiconductor players in China and, therefore, its civilian sector as well. The fiction of ‘barring military use’ is only to provide the fig leaf of a cover under the World Trade Organization (WTO) exceptions on having to provide market access to all WTO members. Most military applications use older-generation chips and not the latest versions. The specific sanctions imposed by the United States include:
The sanctions also encompass any company that uses U.S. technology or products in its supply chain. This is a provision in the U.S. laws: any company that ‘touches’ the United States while manufacturing its products is automatically brought under the U.S. sanctions regime. It is a unilateral extension of the United States’ national legal jurisdiction and can be used to punish and crush any entity—a company or any other institution—that is directly or indirectly linked to the United States. These sanctions are designed to completely decouple the supply chain of the United States and its allies—the European Union and East Asian countries—from China. In addition to the latest U.S. sanctions against companies that are already on the list of sanctioned Chinese companies, a further 31 new companies have been added to an “unverified list.” These companies must provide complete information to the U.S. authorities within two months, or else they will be barred as well. Furthermore, no U.S. citizen or anyone domiciled in the United States can work for companies on the sanctioned or unverified lists, not even to maintain or repair equipment supplied earlier. The global semiconductor industry’s size is currently more than $500 billion and is likely to double its size to $1 trillion by 2030. According to a Semiconductor Industry Association and Boston Consulting Group report of 2020—“Turning the Tide for Semiconductor Manufacturing in the U.S.”—China is expected to account for approximately 40 percent of the semiconductor industry growth by 2030, displacing the United States as the global leader. This is the immediate trigger for the U.S. sanctions and its attempt to halt China’s industry from taking over the lead from the United States and its allies. While the above measures are intended to isolate China and limit its growth, there is a downside for the United States and its allies in sanctioning China. The problem for the United States—more so for Taiwan and South Korea—is that China is their biggest trading partner. Imposing such sanctions on equipment and chips also means destroying a good part of their market with no prospect of an immediate replacement. This is true not only for China’s East Asian neighbors but also for equipment manufacturers like the Dutch company ASML, the world’s only supplier of extreme ultraviolet (EUV) lithography machines that produces the latest chips. For Taiwan and South Korea, China is not only the biggest export destination for their semiconductor industry as well as other industries, but also one of their biggest suppliers for a range of products. The forcible separation of China’s supply chain in the semiconductor industry is likely to be accompanied by separation in other sectors as well. The U.S. companies are also likely to see a big hit to their bottom line—including equipment manufacturers such as Lam Research Corporation, Applied Materials, and KLA Corporation; the electronic design automation (EDA) tools such as Synopsys and Cadence; and advanced chip suppliers like Qualcomm, Nvidia, and AMD. China is the largest destination for all these companies. The problem for the United States is that China is not only the fastest-growing part of the world’s semiconductor industry but also the industry’s biggest market. So the latest sanctions will cripple not only the Chinese companies on the list but also the U.S. semiconductor firms, drying up a significant part of their profits and, therefore, their future research and development (R&D) investments in technology. While some of the resources for investments will come from the U.S. government—for example, the $52.7 billion chip manufacturing subsidy—they do not compare to the losses the U.S. semiconductor industry will suffer as a result of the China sanctions. This is why the semiconductor industry had suggested narrowly targeted sanctions on China’s defense and security industry, not the sweeping sanctions that the United States has now introduced; the scalpel and not the hammer. The process of separating the sanctions regime and the global supply chain is not a new concept. The United States and its allies had a similar policy during and after the Cold War with the Soviet Union via the Coordinating Committee for Multilateral Export Controls (COCOM) (in 1996, it was replaced by the Wassenaar Arrangement), the Nuclear Suppliers Group, the Missile Control Regime, and other such groups. Their purpose is very similar to what the United States has now introduced for the semiconductor industry. In essence, they were technology denial regimes that applied to any country that the United States considered an “enemy,” with its allies following—then as now—what the United States dictated. The targets on the export ban list were not only the specific products but also the tools that could be used to manufacture them. Not only the socialist bloc countries but also countries such as India were barred from accessing advanced technology, including supercomputers, advanced materials, and precision machine tools. Under this policy, critical equipment required for India’s nuclear and space industries was placed under a complete ban. Though the Wassenaar Arrangement still exists, with countries like even Russia and India within the ambit of this arrangement now, it has no real teeth. The real threat comes from falling out with the U.S. sanctions regime and the U.S. interpretation of its laws superseding international laws, including the WTO rules. The advantage the United States and its military allies—in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, the Southeast Asia Treaty Organization, and the Central Treaty Organization—had before was that the United States and its European allies were the biggest manufacturers in the world. The United States also controlled West Asia’s hydrocarbon—oil and gas—a vital resource for all economic activities. The current chip war against China is being waged at a time when China has become the biggest manufacturing hub of the world and the largest trade partner for 70 percent of countries in the world. With the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries no longer obeying the U.S. diktats, Washington has lost control of the global energy market. So why has the United States started a chip war against China at a time that its ability to win such a war is limited? It can, at best, postpone China’s rise as a global peer military power and the world’s biggest economy. An explanation lies in what some military historians call the “Thucydides trap”: when a rising power rivals a dominant military power, most such cases lead to war. According to Athenian historian Thucydides, Athens’ rise led Sparta, the then-dominant military power, to go to war against it, in the process destroying both city-states; therefore, the trap. While such claims have been disputed by other historians, when a dominant military power confronts a rising one, it does increase the chance of either a physical or economic war. If the Thucydides trap between China and the United States restricts itself to only an economic war—the chip war—we should consider ourselves lucky! With the new series of sanctions by the United States, one issue has been settled: the neoliberal world of free trade is officially over. The sooner other countries understand it, the better it will be for their people. And self-reliance means not simply the fake self-reliance of supporting local manufacturing, but instead means developing the technology and knowledge to sustain and grow it. AuthorPrabir Purkayastha is the founding editor of Newsclick.in, a digital media platform. He is an activist for science and the free software movement. Archives November 2022 11/12/2022 Offloading Climate Responsibility on the Victims of Climate Change By: Steve TaylorRead NowAn interview with Nigerian environmentalist Nnimmo Bassey. Editor’s note: This interview has been edited for clarity and length from the author’s conversation with Nnimmo Bassey on October 7, 2022. For access to the full interview’s audio and transcript, you can stream this episode on Breaking Green’s website or wherever you get your podcasts. Breaking Green is produced by Global Justice Ecology Project. In this interview, Nnimmo Bassey, a Nigerian architect and award-winning environmentalist, author, and poet, talks about the history of exploitation of the African continent, the failure of the international community to recognize the climate debt owed to the Global South, and the United Nations Climate Change Conference that will take place in Egypt in November 2022. Bassey has written (such as in his book To Cook a Continent) and spoken about the economic exploitation of nature and the oppression of people based on his firsthand experience. Although he does not often write or speak about his personal experiences, his early years were punctuated by civil war motivated in part by “a fight about oil, or who controls the oil.” Bassey has taken square aim at the military-petroleum complex in fighting gas flaring in the Niger Delta. This dangerous undertaking cost fellow activist and poet Ken Saro-Wiwa his life in 1995. Seeing deep connections that lead to what he calls “simple solutions” to complex problems like climate change, Bassey emphasizes the right of nature to exist in its own right and the importance of living in balance with nature, and rejects the proposal of false climate solutions that would advance exploitation and the financialization of nature that threatens our existence on a “planet that can well do without us.” Bassey chaired Friends of the Earth International from 2008 through 2012 and was executive director of Environmental Rights Action for two decades. He was a co-recipient of the 2010 Right Livelihood Award, the recipient of the 2012 Rafto Prize, a human rights award, and in 2009, was named one of Time magazine’s Heroes of the Environment. Bassey is the director of Health of Mother Earth Foundation, an ecological think tank, and a board member of Global Justice Ecology Project. Steve Taylor: Climate change is a complex problem, but maybe there’s a simple solution. What might that look like? Nnimmo Bassey: Simple solutions are avoided in today’s world because they don’t support capital. And capital is ruling the world. Life is simpler than people think. So, the complex problems we have today—they’re all man-made, human-made by our love of complexities. But the idea of capital accumulation has led to massive losses and massive destruction and has led the world to the brink. The simple solution that we need, if we’re talking about warming, is this: Leave the carbon in the ground, leave the oil in the soil, [and] leave the coal in the hole. Simple as that. When people leave the fossils in the ground, they are seen as anti-progress and anti-development, whereas these are the real climate champions: People like the Ogoni people in the Niger Delta, the territory where Ken Saro-Wiwa was murdered by the Nigerian state in 1995. Now the Ogoni people have kept the oil in their territory in the ground since 1993. That is millions upon millions of tons of carbon locked up in the ground. That is climate action. That is real carbon sequestration. ST: Could you talk about the climate debt that is owed to the Global South in general, and African nations in particular? NB: There’s no doubt that there is climate debt, and indeed an ecological debt owed to the Global South, and Africa in particular. It has become clear that the sort of exploitation and consumption that has gone on over the years has become a big problem, not just for the regions that were exploited, but for the entire world. The argument we’re hearing is that if the financial value is not placed on nature, nobody’s going to respect or protect nature. Now, why was no financial cost placed on the territories that were damaged? Why were they exploited and sacrificed without any consideration or thought about what the value is to those who live in the territory, and those who use those resources? So, if we’re to go the full way with this argument of putting price tags on nature so that nature can be respected, then you have to also look at the historical harm and damage that’s been done, place a price tag on it, recognize that this is a debt that is owed, and have it paid. ST: You’ve discussed in our interview how some policies meant to address climate change are “false solutions,” particularly those intended to address the climate debt owed to the Global South and to Africa in particular. Could you talk a bit about the misnomer of the Global North’s proposals of so-called “nature-based solutions” to the climate crisis that claim to emulate the practices and wisdom of Indigenous communities in ecological stewardship, but which actually seem like an extension of colonial exploitation—rationalizations to allow the richer nations that are responsible for the pollution to continue polluting. NB: The narrative has been so cleverly constructed that when you hear, for example, reducing emissions from deforestation and forest degradation (REDD), everybody says, “Yes, we want to do that.” And now we’re heading to “nature-based solutions.” Who doesn’t want nature-based solutions? Nature provided the solution to the challenges [that Indigenous people have] had for centuries, for millennia. And now, some clever people appropriate the terminology. So that by the time Indigenous communities say they want nature-based solutions, the clever people will say, “well, that’s what we’re talking about.” Whereas they’re not talking about that at all. Everything’s about generating value chains and revenue, completely forgetting about who we are as part of nature. So, the entire scheme has been one insult after another. The very idea of putting a price on the services of Mother Earth, and appropriating financial capital from those resources, from this process, is another horrible way by which people are being exploited. ST: How does REDD adversely impact local communities on the African continent? NB: REDD is a great idea, which should be supported by everyone merely looking at that label. But the devil is in the detail. It is made by securing or appropriating or grabbing some forest territory, and then declaring that to be a REDD forest. And now once that is done, what becomes paramount is that it is no longer a forest of trees. It is now a forest of carbon, a carbon sink. So, if you look at the trees, you don’t see them as ecosystems. You don’t see them as living communities. You see them as carbon stock. And that immediately sets a different kind of relationship between those who are living in the forest, those who need the forest, and those who are now the owners of the forest. And so, it’s because of that logic that [some] communities in Africa have lost access to their forests, or lost access to the use of their forests, the way they’d been using [them] for centuries. ST: As an activist, you have done some dangerous work opposing gas flaring. Could you tell us about gas flaring and how it impacts the Niger Delta? NB: Gas flaring, simply put, is setting gas on fire in the oil fields. Because when crude oil is extracted in some locations, it could come out of the ground with natural gas and with water, and other chemicals. The gas that comes out of the well with the oil can be easily reinjected into the well. And that is almost like carbon capture and storage. It goes into the well and also helps to push out more oil from the well. So you have more carbon released into the atmosphere. Secondly, the gas can be collected and utilized for industrial purposes or for cooking, or processed for liquefied natural gas. Or the gas could just be set on fire. And that’s what we have, at many points—probably over 120 locations in the Niger Delta. So you have these giant furnaces. They pump a terrible cocktail of dangerous elements into the atmosphere, sometimes in the middle of where communities [reside], and sometimes horizontally, not [with] vertical stacks. So you have birth defects, [and] all kinds of diseases imaginable, caused by gas flaring. It also reduces agricultural productivity, up to one kilometer from the location of the furnace. ST: The UN climate conference COP27 is coming up in Egypt. Is there any hope for some real change here? NB: The only hope I see with the COP is the hope of what people can do outside the COP. The mobilizations that the COPs generate in meetings across the world—people talking about climate change, people taking real action, and Indigenous groups organizing and choosing different methods of agriculture that help cool the planet. People just doing what they can—that to me is what holds hope. The COP itself is a rigged process that works in a very colonial manner, offloading climate responsibility on the victims of climate change. AuthorSteve Taylor is the press secretary for Global Justice Ecology Project and the host of the podcast Breaking Green. Beginning his environmental work in the 1990s opposing clearcutting in Shawnee National Forest, Taylor was awarded the Leo and Kay Drey Award for Leadership from the Missouri Coalition for the Environment for his work as co-founder of the Times Beach Action Group. This article was produced by Earth | Food | Life, a project of the Independent Media Institute. Archives November 2022 The Communist Party of China (CPC) held its 20th National Congress from October 16 to October 22, 2022. Every five years, the delegates of the CPC’s 96 million members meet to elect its top leaders and to set the future direction for the party. One of the main themes of the congress this year was “rejuvenation” of the country through “a Chinese path to modernization.” In his report to the congress, Xi Jinping, the CPC’s general secretary, sketched out the way forward to build China “into a modern socialist country.” Most of the Western media commentary about the congress ignored the actual words that were said in Beijing, opting instead to make wild speculations about the deliberations in the party (including about the sudden departure of former Chinese President Hu Jintao from the Great Hall of the People during the closing session of the congress, who left because he was feeling ill). Much could have been gained from listening to what people said during the National Congress instead of putting words in their mouths. Socialist Modernization When the Communist Party took power in China in 1949, the country was the 11th poorest country in the world. For the first time since the “century of humiliation” that began with the British wars on China from 1839 onward, China has developed into a major power with the social situation of the Chinese people having greatly improved from their condition in 1949. A short walk away from the Great Hall of the People, where the congress was held, is the Chairman Mao Memorial Hall, which reminds people of the immense achievement of the Chinese Revolution of 1949 and its impact on Chinese society. Xi Jinping became the general secretary of the CPC at the 18th National Congress in 2012 and was elected president of the People’s Republic of China in March 2013. Since then, the country has gone through significant changes. Economically, China’s GDP has almost doubled to become the world’s second-largest economy, growing from 58.8 trillion yuan in 2013 to 114.37 trillion yuan in 2021, and its GDP expanded at a rate of 6.6 percent per year during the same period. Meanwhile, the country’s per capita GDP almost doubled between 2013 and 2021, with China approaching the high-income country bracket. In terms of the world economy, China’s GDP was 18.5 percent of the global total in 2021, and the country was responsible for 30 percent of world economic growth from 2013 to 2021. China also manufactured 30 percent of the world’s goods in 2021, up from more than 20 percent in 2012. This adds to the decades of historically unprecedented growth rate of 9.8 percent per year from 1978 to 2014 since the launching of economic reform in China in 1978. These economic achievements are historic and did not come without their set of challenges and consequences. While delivering the report at the opening of this congress, Xi spoke about the situation that the Chinese people faced a decade ago: “Great achievements had been secured in reform, opening up, and socialist modernization… At the same time, however, a number of prominent issues and problems—some of which had been building for years and others which were just emerging—demanded urgent action.” He went on to talk about the “slide toward weak, hollow, and watered-down party leadership,” pointing out that “money worship, hedonism, egocentricity, and historical nihilism” were the deep-seated problems in a development process that was “imbalanced, uncoordinated, and unsustainable.” These are significant self-criticisms made by the man who has led the country for the past decade. CorruptionA decade ago, in his speech at the 18th CPC National Congress, outgoing Secretary General Hu Jintao mentioned the word “corruption” several times. “If we fail to handle this issue well,” he warned, “it could prove fatal to the party, and even cause the collapse of the party and the fall of the state.” Xi Jinping’s first task after taking over as general secretary of the CPC was to tackle this issue. In his inaugural speech as the party head in 2013, Xi said he was committed to “the fighting of tigers and flies at the same time,” referring to the corruption that had spread from the high echelons down to the grassroots level within the party and the government. The party launched “eight-point” rules for its members in December 2012, to limit practices such as inconsequential meetings and extravagant receptions for official visits, and advocated “diligence and thrift.” Meanwhile, a year after the launch of the “mass line campaign” by Xi’s administration in June 2013, official meetings were reduced by 25 percent in comparison to the period before the campaign, 160,000 “phantom staff” were removed from the government payroll, and 2,580 “unnecessary” official building projects were stopped. Over the past decade, from November 2012 to April 2022, nearly 4.4 million cases involving 4.7 million officials were investigated in the fight against corruption. Party members have been investigated. In the first half of this year alone, 24 senior officials were investigated for corruption, and former ministers, provincial governors, and presidents of the biggest state-owned banks have been expelled from the party and given harsh sentences, including life imprisonment. Hu Jintao’s comments and Xi Jinping’s actions reflected concerns that during the period of high growth after 1978, CPC members grew increasingly detached from the people. During the first months of his presidency, Xi launched the “mass line campaign” to bring the party closer to the grassroots. As part of the “targeted poverty alleviation” campaign launched in 2014, 800,000 party cadres were sent to survey and visit 128,000 villages as part of this project. In 2020, despite the COVID-19 pandemic, China successfully eradicated extreme poverty, contributing to 76 percent of the global reduction in poverty till October 2015. Beyond the party’s self-correction, Xi’s strong words and actions against the corrupt “flies and tigers” contributed to the Chinese people’s confidence in the government. According to a 2020 research paper by Harvard Kennedy School’s Ash Center for Democratic Governance and Innovation, the overall satisfaction with the government’s performance was 93.1 percent in 2016, seeing the most significant growth in the more underdeveloped regions in the countryside. This rise of confidence in rural areas resulted from increased social services, trust in local officials, and the campaign against poverty. Right Side of History At the 20th Congress, Xi Jinping reflected on the history of colonialism—including China’s “century of humiliation”—and the implications this would have for China going forward. “In pursuing modernization,” Xi said, “China will not tread the old path of war, colonization, and plunder taken by some countries. That brutal and blood-stained path of enrichment at the expense of others caused great suffering for the people of developing countries. We will stand firmly on the right side of history and on the side of human progress.” Chinese officials routinely tell us that their country is not interested in seeking dominance in the world. What China would like to do is to collaborate with other countries to try and solve humanity’s dilemmas. The Belt and Road Initiative, for instance, was launched in 2013 with the purpose of “win-win” cooperation and development and has thus far built much-needed infrastructure with investment and construction contracts totaling $1 trillion in almost 150 countries. China’s interest in tackling the climate catastrophe is evidenced by its planting of a quarter of the world’s new forests over the past decade and in becoming a world leader in renewable energy investment and electric vehicle production. On the public health side, China adopted a COVID-19 policy that prioritizes lives over profit, donated 325 million doses of vaccines, and saved millions of lives as a result of this. As a result of its initiatives in the public health sector, the average life expectancy of Chinese people was 77.93 years in 2020 and reached 78.2 years in 2021, and for the first time, surpassed life expectancy in the United States--77 years in 2020 and 76.1 in 2021—making this drop “the biggest two-year decline in life expectancy since 1921-1923.” China’s communists do not see these events without putting them in the context of the long process undertaken by the government toward achieving and ensuring their social development. In 27 years, China will celebrate the centenary of its revolution. In 1997, then-President of China Jiang Zemin spoke about the two centenary goals—the 100-year markers following the founding of the Communist Party (1921) and the Chinese Revolution (1949)—that “underwrite all China’s long-term economic planning programs and contemporary macroeconomic policy agendas.” At that time, the focus was on growth rates. In 2017, Xi Jinping shifted the emphasis of these goals to the “three tough battles”: to defuse major financial risks, to eradicate poverty, and to control pollution. This new congress has gone beyond those “tough battles” to protect Chinese sovereignty and to expand the dignity of the Chinese people. AuthorVijay Prashad is an Indian historian, editor, and journalist. He is a writing fellow and chief correspondent at Globetrotter. He is an editor of LeftWord Books and the director of Tricontinental: Institute for Social Research. He is a senior non-resident fellow at Chongyang Institute for Financial Studies, Renmin University of China. He has written more than 20 books, including The Darker Nations and The Poorer Nations. His latest books are Struggle Makes Us Human: Learning from Movements for Socialism and (with Noam Chomsky) The Withdrawal: Iraq, Libya, Afghanistan, and the Fragility of U.S. Power. This article was produced by Globetrotter. Archives November 2022 11/12/2022 What the Failure of Liz Truss’s Economic Agenda in the UK Can Teach the U.S. By: Sonali KolhatkarRead NowBritain’s rejection of Liz Truss’s trickle-down economics ought to serve as a warning to the United States, where midterm elections are about to commence. Americans, relieved that they were rid of Donald Trump and his incessant scandals, looked gleefully to their neighbors across the Atlantic as British Prime Minister Liz Truss resigned after a mere 45 days in office. Truss had the shortest term of any British prime minister in history, disgraced by the consequences of her own economic prescriptions. There is a lesson to be learned from Truss’s rise and rapid downfall that applies to the United States, a nation beset by similar economic troubles but with a very different governmental structure. The main takeaway from Truss’s downfall is that tackling inflation by rewarding the rich is a fool’s errand. Fashioning herself after Margaret Thatcher, the godmother of conservative capitalism, Truss had hoped to join the ranks of former prime ministers Tony Blair and David Cameron as a champion of “trickle-down” policies. A central idea favored by Thatcherites—one that may sound familiar to Americans—is that when ordinary people are struggling, leaders must ensure the rich get richer so that the crumbs of their excesses will trickle down to the poor. Going hand in hand with this is the aggressive deregulation of industries to free them from the fetters of any protective measures that could impact profit margins. Here in the U.S., President Ronald Reagan promoted this ludicrous concept in the 1980s as perhaps the grandest grift of all time, overseeing massive tax cuts for the wealthiest Americans and an aggressive deregulatory agenda. According to the Center for American Progress, when “Reagan took office in 1981, the marginal tax rate for the highest income bracket was 70 percent, but that fell to just 28 percent by the time he left office.” In spite of decades of evidence that trickle-down economics doesn’t work, Republicans, when in control of the U.S. Congress and the presidency, have aggressively pushed through the same policies. Recall the 2017 tax reform bill forced through the legislative process by then-Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell and signed into law by Trump. That bill continued what Reagan started by infusing cash at the very top in the form of tax cuts. It too, like its predecessors, failed. Truss repackaged this same grift in the UK, with critics coining a new moniker for it: Trussonomics. Influenced by right-wing think tanks such as the Adam Smith Institute and the Institute of Economic Affairs, she pushed a “mini-budget” centered on major tax cuts for the wealthiest in Britain with no plan on how to compensate for the loss in revenues. The Guardian’s economics correspondent Richard Partington explained that this triggered “a run on sterling, gilt market freefall and spooked global investors. Even the International Monetary Fund (IMF) intervened with a stunning public rebuke.” The British pound plummeted in value, and the Bank of England was forced to intervene by buying up bonds and raising interest rates. Eventually, members of Parliament began expressing enough loss of confidence in the new prime minister that Truss was forced to resign just over six weeks into her tenure. Since the 1980s, both Republican and Democratic presidents in the U.S. embraced “Reaganomics,” in spite of critics repeatedly calling out the lunacy of enriching the wealthy to address poverty. By the time Joe Biden took office in January 2021, there was so much damage done that the new president felt moved to articulate that trickle-down economics doesn’t work. Biden repeated his criticisms as Truss took office, saying on Twitter in September 2022, “I am sick and tired of trickle-down economics. It has never worked.” But talk is cheap, and another major lesson for Americans is that while it’s easy to find relief in our more stable system of government in which presidential elections are prescribed every four years, Britain’s less stable parliamentary system is far more responsive to popular will. The best example of this—one that stands in stark contrast to the U.S.—is Britain’s National Health Service (NHS), a free, government-funded universal health care system that is the envy of Americans. In 1948, Aneurin Bevan, Britain’s then-health secretary, promoted the idea of a health care system that would serve all people. According to historian Anthony Broxton, Bevan pushed a parliamentary vote on the bill that would create the NHS, asking, “Why should the people wait any longer?” Americans have waited and waited for a similar health care system. We are still waiting. A New York Times analysis explained how health care spending in the U.S. began getting out of control at the precise time when Reagan-era deregulation began. Decades of attempts to install a universal, government-funded free health care system in the U.S. have failed. In an MSNBC op-ed, Nayyera Haq wrote, “in the nearly 250 years since the founding of the United States, American government has not followed Britain’s path of providing a universal health care system or welfare programs for the majority of the population.” Haq concluded, “The elevation of status quo over popular will has all but frozen the ability to respond to that will, weakening the American system far more than Truss’ tenure will destabilize Britain.” While Americans can’t very well switch our government system into a parliamentary one, we do have midterm elections in just a few weeks. It turns out trickle-down economics is indeed on the ballot, and Republicans are using every means at their disposal to ensure its win. The GOP has rigged elections in its favor via a cunning combination of gerrymandered districts, voting laws that thwart likely Democratic voters, and legislative control at the state level where electoral rules are decided. In Florida, Republican governor Ron DeSantis has embraced antidemocratic tactics to such an extent that he created a police force to arrest largely Black (and therefore likely-to-be-Democratic) voters who he claims are casting ballots illegally. In other words, Republicans have engineered a system of minority rule bordering on fascism. Blowing wind into their sails is the corporate media, insisting that worries over inflation could help Republicans win majorities in both houses of Congress—in spite of decades of evidence that the GOP has a record of economic failures. It has become a central Republican talking point to inflate—pun intended—worries about rising prices, blame Democrats for inflation, and make the case for their own electoral victories. Economist Dean Baker criticized the media for “hyping inflation pretty much non-stop for the last year and a half.” While polls show that relentless coverage of inflation has moved voters toward Republican candidates, few outlets are asking questions about the GOP’s plan to tackle inflation. House Republican leader Kevin McCarthy has published a rosy plan, very thin on specifics, to fix the nation’s economic woes if his party wins majorities. A one-page description of his plan includes a vague prescription to “bring stability to the economy through pro-growth tax and deregulatory policies.” In other words, Republicans are yet again promising to deliver a wolf in sheep’s clothing. Call it Reaganomics, Thatcherism, or Trussonomics, trickle-down economics is the great lie that has failed time and again. If Truss’s spectacular fall should teach Americans anything, it is that it will fail again. Unlike the Brits, we’re likely to be stuck with the ill effects of such failure for a lot longer. AuthorSonali Kolhatkar is an award-winning multimedia journalist. She is the founder, host, and executive producer of “Rising Up With Sonali,” a weekly television and radio show that airs on Free Speech TV and Pacifica stations. Her forthcoming book is Rising Up: The Power of Narrative in Pursuing Racial Justice (City Lights Books, 2023). She is a writing fellow for the Economy for All project at the Independent Media Institute and the racial justice and civil liberties editor at Yes! Magazine. She serves as the co-director of the nonprofit solidarity organization the Afghan Women’s Mission and is a co-author of Bleeding Afghanistan. She also sits on the board of directors of Justice Action Center, an immigrant rights organization. This article was produced by Economy for All, a project of the Independent Media Institute. Archives November 2022 11/9/2022 Bolivian president issues warning about destabilization attempts By: Tanya WadhwaRead Now
The far-right opposition in Bolivia’s Santa Cruz department has been seeking to destabilize the socialist government of President Luis Arce using the Population and Housing Census as pretext
Over one million Bolivians mobilized in support of President Luis Arce’s government on August 25 in the face of attempts by far-right opposition sectors in Santa Cruz to destabilize the national government using the Population and Housing Census as pretext. (Photo: Luis Arce/Twitter)
Since October 20, the conservative opposition sectors in Bolivia’s Santa Cruz department have been organizing different protest actions against progressive President Luis Arce and the government of the ruling Movement Towards Socialism (MAS) party. Their primary demand is that the Population and Housing Census be carried out in the first semester of 2023 and not in 2024. Since their protests began, the national government has been repeatedly calling on them to engage in dialogue. Nevertheless, the sectors have been rejecting all attempts of negotiation and insisting that the national government submit to their technically impossible demand.
The far-right opposition leader and governor of Santa Cruz, Luis Fernando Camacho, the president of the Pro Santa Cruz Civic Committee, Rómulo Calvo, and the rector of the Autonomous University Gabriel René Moreno (UAGRM), Vicente Cuéllar, called for an indefinite strike in the department to force the government to give in to their demand. The selective nature of the strike which began on October 22 has however backfired. Since October 27, workers from diverse sectors in the department have been marching and organizing road blockades and factory blockades in rejection of the strike, denouncing the fact that the strike only forced poor workers to stop while rich businessmen and large merchants continued to work and earn profits. In the face of widespread rejection from the people, Camacho, who promoted violent and racist demonstrations against the MAS government and then President Evo Morales in October 2019, has once again resorted to violence. Far-right extremist groups and Camacho’s supporters have been attacking those who have opposed the strike. President Arce warns against coup d’état
On Tuesday, November 1, President Arce warned that the conservative opposition is seeking to repeat the 2019 coup d’état by fomenting violence in the general strike in Santa Cruz. Under the circumstances, he called on the country’s armed forces to safeguard the stability of the country and defend the constitution.
“Today, Bolivia is once again threatened by those who, unable to contribute to democracy, use confrontation and violence, endangering democratic coexistence among Bolivians. They are only making it clear that only the People have an authentic democratic conviction because they know that they are the majority. The loyalty of the Armed Forces lies with the people, who have expressed their will to live together in peace and democracy. It is their obligation to defend the legally constituted government,” said President Arce during the inauguration ceremony of the new military commanders. The head of state stressed that these actors who threaten Bolivia have “a particular way of seeing democracy where it only exists if the majority of Bolivians give in to their interests.” He added that under this logic now “they set in motion a strategy to repeat the 2019 coup d’état,” when the constitutional order was broken with the illegal self-proclamation by then second vice president of the Senate, Jeanine Áñez, as president in November 2019. President Arce warned that “there are talks of marches to federalization and other de-facto processes and not as a result of a social pact process to change our State for another, this is why it is an attack against national integrity.” In this regard, Arce recalled that “the constitutional mission of the Armed Forces is to guarantee and defend the independence, unity and integrity of our territory.” He then reminded the Military High Command that their “first objective is the protection of political stability and the uncompromising defense of the Political Constitution of the State.” Violence in Santa Cruz
Acts of violence and intimidation have increased significantly in recent days in Santa Cruz.
On Wednesday, November 2, members of the Unión Juvenil Cruceñista (UJC), a Santa Cruz-based shock group, along with Camacho’s supporters, attacked the residents of the La Guardia municipality with firecrackers, clubs with nails, and sharp and cutting instruments. The group attacked them with the intention of forcibly lifting the blockade that the residents had set up on an entrance road to Santa Cruz in rejection of the strike. Initially, they succeeded in expelling whom they called supporters of the MAS party. However, shortly after, the residents regrouped and forced out Camacho’s goons. Confrontations between both sides lasted for hours. The paramilitary group also attacked the local police with firearms, projectiles, stones and homemade explosives. Reportedly, they also temporarily took over the La Guardia police command, looted the headquarters, and caused damage to six patrol cars. One police officer received bullet injuries during the attack. Government Minister Eduardo del Castillo later reported that nine people were arrested for being involved in the armed attack.
Earlier, on Sunday, October 30, members of the UJC group tried to illegally take over the Palmasola refinery and storage plant of Bolivian Fiscal Oil Fields (YPFB) in Santa Cruz, attacking the security guards with firecrackers and stones. The takeover was prevented by the residents of the area, who confronted the invaders in order to protect the plant, leading to clashes between the two sides. Local police reportedly had to intervene to restore law and order.
Additionally, the same day, members of the civic committee and Camacho’s supporters attacked social, political, and Indigenous activists who had been organizing roadblocks against the strike in the Concepción municipality. Rocio Picanere, the spokeswoman for the Ayoreo Indigenous Central of the Eastern Bolivia (CANOB), denounced that paramilitaries burned houses and beat residents in five communes in Concepción. At the same time, at least 50 people took garbage bags and threw them at the door of the headquarters of the Bartolina Sisa National Confederation of Native, Indigenous, and Peasant Women. Last week, on October 25, Felipa Montenegro, the leader of the Bartolina Sisa Confederation, denounced that she and her family had received death threats from far-right groups that operate in Santa Cruz. Montenegro reported that there were drones flying over her house. She deemed the act as a form of intimidation. Montenegro is one of the social leaders who have opposed the strike. The Bartolina Sisa Confederation is a constituent organization in the ruling MAS party. Citizens reject the strike in Santa Cruz
The residents and workers of the Santa Cruz department have also been increasingly condemning the strike, stating that it has been severely affecting their livelihood.
On Wednesday, November 2, workers from diverse sectors staged demonstrations in different parts of Santa Cruz to reject the indefinite strike. The protesters demanded that Camacho agree to enter into talks with the national government to find a way to end the strike. They demanded Camacho’s resignation, arguing that if he cannot fulfill his official duties towards the people, he should step down. On Monday, October 31, thousands of people from various social and Indigenous organizations marched to the capital of Santa Cruz from four different points, demanding that Camacho lift the strike and respect the right to work. Additionally, since October 27, under the banner of “Let’s all stop,” thousands of workers have been organizing roadblocks across the department against the discriminatory character of the strike. On October 27, the Federation of Two-wheeled Transport Workers seized control of eight factories in Santa Cruz as part of this countermeasure. Groups of motorcycle taxi drivers, along with workers from other sectors, gathered outside the factories of companies including Cemento Warnes, Aceite Fino, Empresa Pil, Sobolma, Cuba Libre, Industrias Venado, Procesabol and Totalpec in the town of Warnes. They parked their bikes outside the factories and blocked the entrances and exits of the factories to prevent them from operating. The leader of the Federation stated that the vigil installed at the doors of the companies will continue until Camacho suspends the strike. He also said that they plan to demand that the vice governor assume the governorship if the strike persists. The measure was organized a day after Economic Minister Marcelo Montenegro accused Camacho and Calvo of issuing special permits to their friends to continue producing.
Government’s attempts to resolve the conflict
Since August, the Acre government has been calling on the opposition in Santa Cruz to engage in dialogue and technically explain their proposal. On October 20, the government reiterated this call.
On October 21, a round table was installed to discuss the proposal and seek consensus on the date of the census, however the representatives of the Inter-institutional Committee of Santa Cruz broke up the dialogue table and called for an indefinite strike in the department. On October 22, Minister of the Presidency María Nela Prada reported that during the first part of the talks, the representative agreed based on technical considerations to set a date for the census in 2024, but following the recess they abandoned that position and insisted without any technical basis that the census be brought forward to 2023 and its results published in 180 days. On October 23, the government reiterated its willingness to dialogue. On October 25, amid escalation of tensions in the department, the government presented a new proposal to carry out the census. It proposed to delegate the mission of establishing the definitive date of the census to experts of the country’s public universities and international organizations. Vice Minister of Communication Gabriela Alcón said the objective of this proposal was “to guarantee a responsible census process, with quality, with technical rigor, adjusted to international standards,” and that allows “the entire population to be taken into account.” The same day, President Arce called on all sectors of the plurinational state to discuss the issue of the census in a national forum to find a consensual solution to the closure of the civic strike in Santa Cruz. “Reaffirming our democratic vocation in search of solutions, we summon Governors, Mayors, Authorities of Native Indigenous Peasant Autonomies, Autonomous Region of Chaco and Rectors of the public system, to the Plurinational Meeting for a census with consensus. The meeting will be this Friday, October 28 in Cochabamba, collecting the proposal of the unions, social organizations, economic and productive sectors, native Indigenous nations, professionals, university students and people with disabilities, gathered in SantaCruz,” he wrote in a thread on twitter. Plurinational Meeting for the Census
On October 28, the Plurinational Meeting for the Census began in Cochabamba. It was joined by President Arce, his ministers, representatives of Indigenous autonomies, nine mayors and eight of the nine governors, except Camacho. Only rector Vicente Cuellar attended the meeting on behalf of the Inter-institutional Committee.
During the meeting, it was unanimously decided that the census be strictly technical, inclusive and widely participatory, where the date will be determined on a technical basis. Following the meeting, Minister Prada reported that the date for the consultation will be decided by a technical commission within 30 days. She added that the representatives of the Santa Cruz region would respond within 24 hours if they agree to participate in the commission. President Arce celebrated the “democratic conviction” of the people of Bolivia and their commitment “to dialogue to decide the future of the Census and continue advancing in the economic reconstruction of the country.” He reported that “we put forward two proposals for the Census to the Inter-institutional Committee and we are awaiting their response to resolve the conflict.”
On October 29, the Santa Cruz governor rejected both proposals and decided to maintain the strike. Over the weekend, Camacho gave an interview to local newspaper El Deber and said that federalism is the only solution to the “fissure that comes from the founding of the Republic.”
However, as per reports, he has been losing support every day. Vicente Cuellar and Rómulo Calvo have also publicly agreed to discuss the date of the census at a technical table. On Wednesday, November 3, President Arce ordered the creation of a technical commission to define the definitive date for carrying out the population census. He reported that this commission will include international representatives and will begin work this week. The head of state called on the opposition “to put down any pressure measure that threatens the reconstruction of Santa Cruz,” adding that “the invitation for dialogue remains open, because we trust that it is the best mechanism for conflict resolution. It’s time to give peace to the people of Santa Cruz.” The last Population and Housing Census in Bolivia was carried out in 2012, when more than 11 million inhabitants were counted in the country. It is an important process that allows redistributing national resources and planning public policies according to population growth. Earlier this year, on August 25, over one million Bolivians mobilized in support of President Arce’s government in the face of previous attempts by far-right opposition sectors in Santa Cruz to destabilize the national government using the Population and Housing Census as pretext. Author
This article was republished from People's Dispatch.
ArchivesNovember 2022 11/9/2022 Canadian Professor Attacked by Mainstream Media for Opposing NATO Narrative on Ukraine By: Aidan JonahRead NowThe “Carley Affair” can act as a warning of what to expect as the U.S. harbors more Ukrainian refugees. A highly regarded Russia specialist in Canada, Professor Michael Carley at the University of Montreal, has refused to support the NATO narrative on the Ukraine conflict and has since been subjected to a vicious smear campaign. Canada’s role in the Ukraine conflict and the power of the right-wing Ukrainian diaspora in Canada may be underestimated, according to the vitriol we have seen directed at Professor Carley. He is among the first in Canada to feel the wrath of the country’s mainstream media, after Russia’s special military operation (SMO) in Ukraine began on February 24, 2022. To grasp why the gripes of this diaspora have received such attention and consideration from Canadian media, it is first necessary to understand how the right-wing element of Ukrainian-Canadians gained dominance over the diaspora. While the experience is similar in the U.S., Canada has been a haven par excellence for Ukrainian fascists. Thus, the “Carley Affair” can act as a warning of what to expect as the U.S. harbors more Ukrainian refugees. Canadian Parliament and media united in anti-Russia attitudeCanada’s parliamentarians have been united in condemnation of Russia and support for Ukraine. This intensified following Russia’s recognition on February 21, 2022, of the independence of the Donetsk and Luhansk People’s Republics. The next day, the Liberal government imposed “new prohibitions on direct and indirect dealings in Russian sovereign debt” and promised to send “up to an additional 460 personnel” to join Canadian military forces participating in NATO’s Operation Reassurance in Europe. The government has “authorized approximately 3,400 Canadian Armed Forces personnel across all branches of the service to deploy to the NATO Response Force should they be required by NATO.” After Russia’s SMO began, on the same day, the Liberal government sanctioned additional Russian government officials and further restricted exports to Russia. Canadian Armed Forces after their arrival in Ukraine. [Source: theglobeandmail.com] On March 15, Canada’s Parliament invited Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky to deliver a speech. It received unanimous applause and complete support. Volodymyr Zelensky addressing Canadian Parliament. [Source: sencanada.ca] On April 27, MP Heather McPherson of the New Democratic Party (Canada’s social democratic party, the third largest in Parliament and currently in a governing agreement with the Liberal Party of Canada) succeeded in passing a motion in Parliament with unanimous support declaring that Russia was committing a “genocide” in the midst of its SMO in Ukraine. International lawyer Chris Black noted in an article for The Canada Files: “McPherson is always ready to assist the Americans in their attempt to dominate the world. She made similar allegations against China regarding the Uighurs based on ‘evidence’ produced by CIA-front, National Endowment for Democracy-funded groups and other U.S. government funded organizations.” Black went further, noting the farcical nature of McPherson’s claims and demands: “There is no point in discussing the examples the Canadian MP referred to in presenting her motion; it was just a litany of false claims, most already disproved, and none of which could amount to genocide under any legal definition. She even (at 2:27 in the clip) admitted this when a reporter for one of the mass media pointed out that the American government has refused to condemn Russia for genocide as there is not sufficient and reliable evidence of such actions and none of intent which is required to found such a charge. But, she stated, again displaying her motion was meant as a propaganda exercise against Russia, that she knew that but that “someone had to take action.” In other words, the Americans know they could not make such a claim and have any credibility, so they got their flunkies in Canada to do it along with their flunkies in Latvia, who soon followed suit. She then added that Canada should send more money to the International Criminal Court so that the prosecutor there would take action, not seeming to blush at the fact she was really calling for offering a bribe to the ICC prosecutor for his cooperation. But then again, Canada’s government and parliamentarians are used to trying to control prosecutions and trials at tribunals as they did at the ICTY and ICTR, both of which were essentially NATO tribunals designed to fix blame on scapegoats for the crimes of the western nations involved in those wars.” The Canadian mainstream media joined in the parliamentary obedience, refusing to challenge NATO narratives on Russia’s SMO. This obedience from both Parliament and the mainstream media set the table for the Canadian government to go heavy on sanctions against Russia and provision of military aid to Ukraine. The Canadian government drove the coalition-building process necessary to have the West cut Russia off from the SWIFT international banking payment system. Canadian Deputy Prime Minister Chrystia Freeland personally reached out to the U.S. government on the day Russia’s SMO began, to propose cutting off Russia from foreign reserves worth $640 billion USD. On the same day, Prime Minister Trudeau pitched the idea to other G7 leaders, and the day after to European leaders. As of September 25, 2022, the Canadian state-run Canadian Broadcasting Corporation (CBC) News noted that Canada has “committed or delivered $626 million in military aid to Ukraine” since the beginning of Russia’s SMO. It further noted that “Canadian forces have been responsible for delivering four million pounds of cargo since March,” which includes Forward-Looking Infrared (FLIR) Turrets, Infantry Mobility Vehicles (IMVs), assault weapons, ammunition and more. Canada is promising to boost its capacity at a Scotland-based shipping hub that was once the site of a CIA rendition way-station, to speed up arms deliveries to Ukraine, to include 39 armored troop carriers. Combat support vehicle provided by Canada’s Liberal government to Ukraine. [Source: oryxspioenkop.com] How did Canada’s far-right Ukrainian diaspora, whose influence on Canadian politics drives coverage by Canadian MSM, form?The Ukrainian Canadian Congress (UCC) is the prime right-wing Ukrainian diaspora group in Canada and has had significant influence on Canadian policy toward Ukraine for decades. The UCC is mainly the product of right-wing Ukrainian ex-Nazi battalion members and their families, who were welcomed into Canada after World War II. Richard Sanders, founder of the Coalition Against the Arms Trade magazine, has explained that the Canadian government orchestrated the founding of the Ukrainian Canadian Congress (originally called Ukrainian Canadian Committee) in 1940. Its purpose was “to rally all anti-Communist Ukrainians into one body in order to squash the then-powerful influence of left-wing Ukrainians whose forebears had come to Canada during earlier waves of migration.” The UCC’s website reveals that its founding was ensured by the support of Canada’s National War Services body, which Sanders explains “was anxious that young Ukrainians enlist in military services.” After World War II, in opposition to the UCC, the Association of United Ukrainian Canadians (AUUC), “a progressive organisation which includes social democrats, socialists and communists,” opposed the Canadian government’s desire, supported by the UCC, to allow the immigration into Canada of thousands of Ukrainian Nazi collaborators into Canada.
As Sanders explained, the AUUC was viciously punished due to its left-wing politics: “Tons of books from AUUC libraries were literally burned, its leaders arrested, and its printing presses and Labour Temples (meeting halls) were seized [via the War Measures Act]. In some cases, these were even turned over to ultranationalists associated with Ukrainian Canadian Congress.”In addition to an initial welcoming in 1950 of between 1,200 to 2,000 Ukrainian Waffen SS members in 1950 (the SS was the “elite” guard of Nazi Germany’s military), the Canadian government “had released thousands of Ukrainian SS veterans from UK internment camps by granting them Canadian citizenship.”Over the following decades, the Canadian government would continue to support the Nazi-collaborator sympathizing and -collaborator Ukrainian right in Canada while secretly plotting (via Operation PROFUNC) to round up thousands of left-wing Canadians, including citizens who were active in the AUUC. Thanks to Canadian government support, the UCC and its member organizations were able to gain hegemony over the Ukrainian-Canadian diaspora. With its hegemony, the UCC and right-wing Ukrainian Canadians have been able to ensure that Canadian media coverage of Ukraine-related stories is to its liking. Carley Under FireMichael J. Carley is a professor in the University of Montreal’s Department of History. He is a specialist in the history of the USSR and Russia. Carley’s politics are expressly progressive. He was born in the United States and was involved in protests against the Vietnam war and for civil rights of Black people during the 1960s, before he came to Canada in 1967. The Canada Files Contributing Editor, Arnold August, explained Carley’s work extensively in a May 2022 article for TCF titled “Ukraine-Russia: Sanctions against a ‘pro-Russian’ professor from the University of Montreal, or freedom of speech?” August writes, “Professor Carley is a specialist in international relations in the 20th century and on the history of Russia and the Soviet Union. His research interests focus on relations of the Soviet Union with Western Europe and the United States between 1917 and 1945. He is the author of three books (two of which have been translated into several languages) and about 100 articles and essays on French intervention in the Russian Civil War (1917-1921), on Soviet relations with the Great Powers between the two world wars, on questions of ‘appeasement,’ on the origins and conduct of the Second World War, and on topical issues. He is the author of over 115 book chapters, and his articles has been the recipient of some 15 awards. His works have been published in Canada, the United States, Great Britain, France, Italy, Russia and elsewhere, and translated into a dozen languages.” Before Carley came under attack, he was a member of the Centre d’études et de recherches internationales de l’Université de Montréal (CERIUM, the Centre for International Studies and Research at the University of Montreal). August’s article—whose conclusions were endorsed by Alfred de Zayas and Holocaust survivor Suzanne Weiss,–continued: “Professor Carley has recently worked on two major book projects. The first deals with the confrontation between Soviet Russia/USSR and the West from 1917 to 1930. This work, entitled Silent Conflict: A Hidden History of Early Soviet-Western Relations, was published in 2014 by the American publisher, Rowman & Littlefield. The French translation, Une guerre sourde : L’émergence de l’Union soviétique et les puissances occidentales was published by PUM (Presses de l’Université de Montréal) in 2016. A Russian translation was published in 2019. The second project, supported by a major research grant from the Canadian government think tank, the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council, focuses on the origins and creation of the ‘Grand Alliance’ against Nazi Germany during World War II. Writing of this second work is now complete in three volumes (1930-1941). Vol. 1 of his trilogy has been accepted for publication. The working title of the trilogy is ‘A Near-Run Thing: The Improbable Grand Alliance of World War II.’ He speaks, reads, and writes English and French, and he reads Russian.” Carley did not come under fire until Russia began its Special Military Operation in Ukraine. The furor against him began via journalist Romain Schué Radio-Canada (RDI), the French language, state-funded CBC radio and television outlet in Canada. Schué’s hit-job article (translated from French here) on Carley was published on March 23. The anger against Carley came because he refused to back away from the facts on the true nature of the Ukrainian Maidan regime that came to power in the violent coup of 2014 in Ukraine. He had stated that neo-Nazi militias, including the “Azov Battalion,” were blocking civilian evacuations and that Russia’s SMO involved clearing out the Azovstal factory and both the Donetsk and Luhansk People’s Republics of neo-Nazis. Carley also stated that the Maidan regime is extremely reliant on neo-Nazi militias to maintain control and fight Russia and allows the targeting of dissident Ukrainians by neo-Nazi militias. He says the narrative of a Russian “massacre” in the small city of Bucha in March 2022 was false, since all Russian troops were gone three days before Ukraine claims a massacre of civilians took place. Facts indicate that the anti-Carley offensive was the result of collaboration of the state-funded media outlet with vigorous promoter of the Nazi-infested Ukrainian government, Ukrainian-Canadian University of Montreal student Katia Sviderskaya. She was favorably quoted in Schué’s original article and has co-sponsored a petition (English version attached here) against Carley based on that same article, and in its turn promoted by Schué in a later update to the article, implicitly suggesting that Carley be removed from CERIUM and be suspended or fired from the university proper. This entanglement, with a common objective, consists of open collaboration of the state-funded media with a Ukrainian Nazi-promoter in Canada, bringing into question the “journalism” of Schué, and thus the state-funded outlet. In a Facebook post by Sviderskaya, she exposes herself as a right-wing nationalist and apologist of the Nazi-infested Zelensky regime. She states “Ukraine was, is, and always will be the center of the free world.” Her petition included another line of attack against Carley: that he is willing to engage with, and share or utilize where valuable, information from Russian media such as Sputnik and RT and Russian government institutions. Comically, Sviderskaya’s petition claims that it does not ask the University of Montreal to take a political position and is in line with the values of academic freedom. Carley’s lawyer noted that, in Canada, the Cloutier Commission report of 2021 (a commission set up to focus on questions around academic freedom in Quebec) defined “academic freedom as the freedom to teach and discuss, but also as the freedom to express one’s opinion.” Sviderskaya’s petition and the coordinated efforts with Schué were the perfect excuse for other Canadian mainstream media outlets to join the campaign against Professor Carley (all referenced articles viewable in English). Soon the most important French language daily in Quebec, the online La Presse, would cover this petition, followed by The Globe and Mail (the largest national-circulation newspaper and one of the two main English-language outlets in Canada), the daily Journal de Montreal and then the Montreal Gazette (the city’s English-language print daily). The case would even reach the attention of U.S.-based news outlet Newsweek. Sviderskaya and all the news outlets that ganged up on Carley had a unified implicit goal: to get him fired from the University of Montreal and ruin his professional career for daring to reject the NATO narrative on the Russia-Ukraine conflict. This would serve as a warning for academics in Canada and also in the U.S. While Carley has managed to fight off any attempts to suspend or fire him, he was removed from CERIUM by its director as a result of the pressure campaign against him. Needless to say, many dozens of Russia “experts” (and not even experts) from Canada and the U.S. are regularly paraded by the Canadian media. They all have in common the promotion of the U.S.-Canada-NATO narrative. On the other hand, we never see one of the real top experts—if not the top one—in Canada and the U.S. and that speaks English and French: Professor Carley. After more then five months of resistance by Carley and his supporters at the university and elsewhere, a significant breakthrough finally took place. On September 7, 2022, the second most important French-language daily in Quebec, Le Devoir, published an op-ed that courageously challenged the NATO/U.S./Canada airtight narrative on Ukraine. Titled “From endless wars to permanent war” (PDF English version here), the authors are Samir Saul (Professor of History, Université de Montréal) and Michel Seymour (Retired Professor of Philosophy, Université de Montréal).It is important to note that Carley has been vocal in writing about the Maidan regime for alternative media outlets such as Strategic Culture Foundation, which has been targeted and intimidated by the U.S. government itself. Canada, and the far-right Ukrainian diaspora here, has a less well-known role in getting the Maidan regime in power. The far-right Ukrainian diaspora’s role in Canada and Ukraine, from the end of the Cold War onwards When Mikhail Gorbachev betrayed socialism in the USSR and implemented his “Perestroika” policies seeking peace and accommodation with the rapacious Western powers during the mid-1980s, the right-wing Ukrainian-Canadian organizations took advantage of the opportunity in the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic to insert spies and Ukrainian nationalists there. They would go on to lead protest movements against the Soviet Union and cheer with joy when the USSR was dissolved. When an independent Ukraine still retained close trade and relations with the Russian Federation, the right-wing extremists in the UCC chose to collaborate yet again with Canada’s government with a view to getting Viktor Yuschenko elected in the highly contested 2004 Ukrainian election. He was brought to power on the back of the Western-backed and financed “Orange Revolution,” which the Canadian government and the UCC backed. The “Orange” protests sought to block the election of Viktor Yanukovych, who was supported by those opposing the militant, anti-Russia politics of the far right. Viktor Yuschenko leading Ukraine’s Orange Revolution. [Source: atlanticcouncil.org] A 2007 article from The Globe and Mail revealed the extent of Canadian interference in Ukraine’s 2004 elections. Canada’s ambassador to Ukraine collaborated with 28 other countries for donor coordination sessions. Canada’s embassy raised funds to help veterans of Otpor (Serbia) and Kmara (Georgia), color revolution specialists, to train Ukrainian groups that planned to protest if Yuschenko did not win the upcoming election. Pora, the civic youth organization which was a key organizer of the Orange Revolution, received its first donation of $30,000 USD via Canada’s embassy in Ukraine. Canadian election observers were also extremely partisan in favor of Yuschenko. An election re-run came after the first round of Ukrainian election results had neither candidate hitting the required 50%-plus-one percentage to win. For that re-run, which culminated on December 26, Canada sent 500 observers to oversee it at a cost of $3 million CAD. The Ukrainian Canadian Congress sent another 500 observers on its own dime. Canadian election observers were openly cheering on the Orange Revolution, and one even spoke at a Yuschenko rally. In the aforementioned Globe and Mail article, Mychailo Wynnyckyj, who served as an election observer, admitted that “we were told not to arrive wearing orange, but there was no doubt who everybody was supporting. Of the 500 observers supported by the Canadian government, maybe 100 were, in their hearts, truly impartial.” Many observers showed up in Ukraine in orange, the opposition’s signature color. The Globe and Mail article notes that one election observer, former Canadian MP Borys Wrzesnewskyj, “also invested some of his own fortune, funding election observation missions to Ukraine through the University of Alberta with $250,000 from his family foundation. He opened his spacious apartment in central Kyiv so those sleeping in tents could get an occasional shower.” Wrzesnewskyj acted as “a conduit between Mr. Martin and Mr. Yushchenko, whom he had introduced in Canada several years earlier, and persuaded the prime minister to read a dramatic statement in the House of Commons” that condemned Russia’s alleged meddling in Ukraine. Election observers such as Wrzesnewskyj would be praised by Prime Minister Paul Martin at the opening of a Ukrainian Canadian Congress office in Winnipeg. On January 23, 2005, after months in the street, the Orange Revolution won out, and Viktor Yuschenko was declared president of Ukraine. Still, by 2006, the “pro-Russian” politician Viktor Yanukovych’s party got a parliamentary majority, and in 2010 he was elected as president of Ukraine. In 2013, Yanukovych’s government chose to accept a condition-free $15 billion bailout deal from Russia, where Russia cut gas prices by one-third. The EU had offered a far worse deal for further trade integration into the bloc, which would have forced Ukraine to hike prices of fuel and other key goods. The Canadian government and the UCC found this unacceptable. Then came the U.S.-orchestrated Euromaidan protests in favor of the EU trade deal. These protests, which called for Yanukovych’s resignation, began in November 2013. These protests turned into a violent right-wing coup whose force was mainly provided by neo-Nazi militias, which even tried to assassinate former President Yanukovych. They installed the Maidan regime into power in February 2014. Ken Stone, treasurer of the Canada-based Hamilton Coalition to Stop the War, explained Canada’s open support for the Maidan coup in an article for The Canada Files: The Canadian government spent $1 billion CAD promoting the Orange Revolution in Ukraine in 2004 and the Maidan coup of 2014. During the Maidan insurrection, the Harper Government strongly supported the Nazi-ridden insurrection in the Maidan square: Canadian Foreign Minister John Baird in the Maidan Square uprising in Kyiv in December 2013. [Source: cbc.ca] Stone notes that “Following the coup, successive governments of Canada recognized the junta and proceeded to pour Canadian taxpayers’ dollars, to the tune of at least $700 million. CAD, plus arms, into Ukraine from 2014 to the present. It also sent over 200 trainers for the Ukrainian army, dispatched Canadian special forces to Ukraine, and supported Ukraine with Canadian warships in the Black Sea.” Though Volodymyr Zelensky was elected president in 2019 on the promise of peace with breakaway regions of Donetsk and Luhansk, formerly oblasts (provinces) in eastern Ukraine before the 2014 coup, the authoritarian Maidan regime remained in place and his policy and military decisions soon closely mirrored his predecessor, Petro Poroshenko. The Ukrainian Canadian Congress has remained steadfast in its support of Zelensky, after he quickly broke his vague election promises of peace. It has lobbied the Canadian government and met with Canadian government officials consistently since 2020 to urge them to increase aid and cooperation with Ukraine. Danger for the United States Moss Robeson, an activist and writer who opposes the influence of extreme right-wing Ukrainians, has written extensively about this element of the Ukrainian diaspora in the United States. The difference is that the U.S.-based diaspora does not have as direct an influence on the government in the way that Canada’s right-wing Ukrainian diaspora does. As uncritical NATO narratives are parroted across the U.S. mainstream media and even some left media bows to the pressure to condemn Russia, this is an opportunity for right-wing Ukrainian diaspora organizations to seek direct connections and funding from the U.S. government. Grave danger is already faced by the African People’s Socialist Party (APSP) in the U.S. for rejecting the NATO narrative on Ukraine. APSP was targeted by multiple FBI raids on July 29, 2022, with the Biden administration enabling assaults on anti-imperialist organizations in the U.S., a stance condemned by the Black Alliance for Peace. As of September 22, a delegation of the neo-Nazi Azov Battalion was visiting the USA. Scene from military-style raid outside Omali Yeshitela’s home on July 29. Yeshitela is head of the African People’s Socialist Party in St. Louis. [Source: Photo courtesy of Burning Spear Media] With entire anti-imperialist organizations under attack, individual academics in the U.S. could very easily face similar waves of attack as Carley did, but even worse because of a xenophobic FBI on the prowl for “Russian interference.” Carley and resistance to NATO narratives Professor Michael Carley has faced serious attacks on his reputation and career and was even dropped from the University of Montreal’s research institute (CERIUM) for standing strong on his principles and condemning the Nazi-infested Maidan regime, as even many left writers and organizations bow to the pressure to condemn Russia. Attacks on Carley come in the context of a right-wing Ukrainian diaspora in Canada that has been backed by the government since its head organization, the UCC, was founded in 1940. Originally used as a battering ram against communism and left-wing Ukrainians in Canada, the UCC has grown to significantly influence Canadian politics and the two major Canadian political parties, the Liberals and the Conservatives, with Deputy PM Chrystia Freeland being a direct UCC connection to the very height of Canadian political power. There is no guarantee that Carley will not face further attacks. The hysteria that will accompany Ukrainian military failures may get directed against those who reject the NATO narrative on Russia’s Special Military Operation. Carley is among those who can face ire yet again. If Carley isn’t defended, the door swings open for similar campaigns against any North American academic who speaks up. At a time when there is so much discussion and confusion in North America and elsewhere on the spurious so-called equivalence of “communism and fascism,” supposedly as a result of the 1939 Ribbentrop-Molotov Non-Aggression Pact, the University of Toronto just announced the publication of Carley’s latest book: “Stalin’s Gamble: The Search for Allies against Hitler, 1930–1936.” People may justly wonder: What kind of a world are we living in when a Nazi collaborator and a U.S. State Department stenographer such as Schué is allowed to predominate over an expert such as Professor Carley? All this comes amid a shift toward a multipolar world, regardless of the delusions of NATO countries and their puppets who claim otherwise. Anti-imperialist countries, including China, Russia, Iran, Bolivia, Venezuela, Cuba, Vietnam, the DPRK, Syria, Yemen and more are seeking to de-dollarize and ignore U.S. sanctions that could previously cripple nations. The ability of maintaining U.S. hegemony, prized by Washington, is slowly slipping away, a clear example being how China ramped up trade with Russia as Western sanctions piled up, and succeeded in significantly softening the impact of Western sanctions. Meanwhile, Iran, in 2020, joined the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, after striking a 25-year, $400 billion economic cooperation deal with China. The multipolar world is coming; the people in the imperial core such as Professor Michael Carley, who genuinely support this goal for the future, should be firmly supported. Act now or live in regret later. AuthorAidan Jonah is the Editor-in-Chief of The Canada Files, a socialist, anti-imperialist news site founded in 2019. He has written about Canadian imperialism, federal politics, and left-wing resistance to colonialism across the world. Aidan is a fourth-year Bachelor of Journalism student at Toronto Metropolitan University, who was the Head of Communications and Community Engagement for Etobicoke North (Ontario, Canada) New Democratic Party (NDP) Candidate Naiima Farah in the 2019 Federal Election. He can be reached at [email protected]. This article was republished from Internationalist 360. Archives November 2022 Navigating washed-out roads and piles of debris, Mayra Rivera quickly began checking on coworkers and neighbors after Hurricane Fiona battered Puerto Rico in September. Rivera, president of United Steelworkers (USW) Local 8198, realized she’d spend months if not years helping the island navigate a daunting cleanup and recovery process. But her immediate goal was ensuring community members had the basics: Safe food. Clean drinking water. And, just as important, a shoulder for survivors to lean on as they began picking up the pieces of their shattered lives. While labor unions continue their traditional fights for decent wages, affordable health care, and safe working conditions, they’re also stepping up to help workers manage stress and the threats to mental health that they encounter on and off the job. Rivera, whose local represents municipal workers in the southern coastal city of Ponce, collaborated with the USW’s Tony Mazzocchi Center for Health, Safety and Environmental Education in recent years to deliver disaster and mental resilience training to island communities pummeled by a string of hurricanes and earthquakes. The training includes techniques for helping families prepare physically and psychologically for disasters, such as assembling “go bags” to sustain them in case of extended evacuations. The program, adapted from resources and materials developed by the National Institute of Environmental Health Sciences Worker Training Program, also helps to boost residents’ safety and confidence by demonstrating how to guard against contaminants, downed power lines, and other hazards that hurricanes leave in their wake. And the training showcases strategies—like providing social support, as Rivera offered in Fiona’s aftermath—to help survivors maintain the resilience essential to persevering after tragedy strikes. Rivera knows that the same solidarity that lifts up workers on the job also can help disaster survivors get through their darkest days. “They start talking and talking and talking. They need to talk. People need to be heard,” said Rivera, recalling how eagerly residents related their experiences to her after Fiona knocked out power to the entire island, destroyed infrastructure, and flattened entire communities. Providing this kind of outlet is especially critical, she noted, to maintain hope among people who were still trying to bounce back from five-year-old Hurricane Maria when Fiona walloped them again. Tarps still covered thousands of homes that lost their roofs during Maria. Fiona destroyed some of the same infrastructure all over again. The wave of disasters created a looming mental health crisis that Rivera says her union is well suited to help address. “We are a family,” said Rivera, who lost her own farm during Maria and can relate on a personal level with coworkers, neighbors, and others impacted by disaster. “It’s easier for them to open up to us.” Studies document the therapeutic power of social connections. Researchers from Rowan University in Glassboro, New Jersey, tracked about 2,200 Hurricane Sandy survivors between the ages of 54 and 80 over a period of years. They found lower rates of post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) symptoms among those who experienced higher levels of social cohesion after the storm, which struck Puerto Rico and parts of the United States, along with several other countries, in 2012. Similarly, a Harvard study found that strong social connections mattered more than material resources, such as food and shelter, in helping elderly survivors cope with the 2011 earthquake and tsunami in Japan. Social interaction even helped to stave off the cognitive decline many survivors experienced after the tragedy. Disasters exacerbate threats to mental health and give unions special opportunities to help workers and communities endure. But unions also help members combat corrosive, everyday stressors that chip away at their families’ well-being. Unions bargain strong contracts, for example, with paid sick days, bereavement leave, assistance programs, and other resources to help workers juggle job and family pressures—then zealously enforce those contracts to ensure members actually derive the intended benefits. USW Local 8599’s contract with the Fontana (California) Unified School District provides leave that workers may use to spend time with dying relatives. When a supervisor tried to block one worker from using the leave, Local President Dawn Dooley immediately intervened with school officials, securing the union member both the time off and peace of mind. Dooley continually reminds members that they’re never up against management alone. “You have the right to representation,” she says, “even if the conflict occurs at a potluck dinner.” As more and more Americans report problems with stress, unions seek new ways to leverage the power of solidarity and equip workers in the fight for mental health. When the communications company TELUS began harassing workers for taking restroom breaks, USW Local 1944 used the grievance process to safeguard members’ rights and safety. But the local, which represents thousands of workers at company call centers across Canada, also launched a broader campaign to protect members from the burnout they risked because of their stressful jobs. Among other steps, the local’s Women of Steel committee published a series of user-friendly guides on how to address fatigue, anxiety, and depression. The guides explain that burnout is “the consequence of a high-performance culture,” not a personal failure, and emphasize the importance of sharing frustrations with coworkers and union leaders. “We lift them up and give them a safe space so they can have a conversation,” Local President Donna Hokiro explained. “People feel empowered.” “We fight for you,” she added of the union, “but we also teach you how to fight for yourself.” AuthorTom Conway is the international president of the United Steelworkers Union (USW). This article was produced by the Independent Media Institute. Archives November 2022 11/9/2022 AT THE UN: THE US AGAIN ISOLATED BY VOTE AGAINST ITS CUBA BLOCKADE By: Roger D. HarrisRead NowFor the 30th consecutive United Nations vote, the US again lost. A landslide margin of 185 to 2 condemned its blockade of Cuba on November 3. Only the apartheid state of Israel voted with the US, while Brazil and Ukraine abstained. Since 1960, the bipartisan policy of the US has been to overthrow the Cuban Revolution by fomenting “disenchantment and disaffection based on economic dissatisfaction and hardship.” According to the US State Department, punitive economic measures are imposed to deny “money and supplies to Cuba, to decrease monetary and real wages, to bring about hunger, desperation, and the overthrow of [the] government.” The US blockade daily costs Cuba $15 million; $6.3 billion since Biden took office. Cuba’s income for the first quarter of 2022 exceeded $493 million, but imports of goods amounted to more than $2 billion. A report from Cuba admonishes: “It is a dilemma for Cubans to make ends meet. Wages are not enough to face the very high prices that the lack of offers, real inflation, and speculation bequeath to us.” Most recently on September 26, Hurricane Ian battered Cuba temporarily shorting electricity island-wide. In August, a lightening fire incinerated 40% of the island’s fuel reserves, exacerbating an existing energy crisis. Covid had already impacted domestic commerce and international tourism. For Cuba these were natural disasters; for the imperial hegemon these were opportunities as Biden continued Trump’s maximum pressure regime-change campaign. Given advances in technology, Joe Biden’s ability to tighten the screws makes sanctions much more effective and lethal than they were when John Kennedy first imposed an “embargo on all trade with Cuba” over sixty years ago. Cuban Foreign Minister Bruno Rodriguez commented that the current US administration “has escalated the siege around our country, taking it to an even crueler and more inhumane dimension, with the purpose of deliberately inflicting the biggest possible damage on Cuban families.” Incredible Lightness of the Liberal’s Lament Onetime trenchant critic of US imperialism, the social-democratic NACLA (North American Congress on Latin America) has been “reporting on the Americas since 1967.” Though in recent years, it has increasingly degenerated into cheerleading for US-instigated regime change in Nicaragua and other countries striving to socialism. NACLA commented on the US blockade just before the UN vote in an article by academic Louis A. Pérez. He made 22 references to “sanctions,” but never once acknowledged that these unilateral coercive measures were illegal or, because secondary measures target third parties, that they constituted a “blockade.” Along with NACLA, author Pérez is a longtime and sincere critic of the US blockade. His article has good information, recognizing that US humanitarian aid is intended to “relieve the very conditions to which sanctions have been dedicated to creating.” But with morally bankrupt ivory-tower equanimity, he criticizes both US imperialism and the Cuban Revolution for not achieving some liberal democratic ideal. Pérez comments: “To recognize the baneful consequences of US sanctions is not to disregard or otherwise dismiss the failures of the Cuban government [emphasis added].” He continues: “But much of what is not well in Cuba can also be attributed to official policies and practices…with ill-conceived economic policies that fail to remedy want and need.” That is, the victim bears responsibility for the economic effects of the blockade. According to Pérez, the fundamental failure of US policy is that the Cuban people are so consumed with the daily struggle for survival that they don’t have the time (that the more enlightened souls in academia have) to address “political freedom.” He quotes the angst of a Cuban colleague: “First necessities, later democracy.” For such elevated minds, the tragedy of US imperialist domination is that the higher pursuits for democracy are sacrificed on the altar of banal survival. This recalls the counsel of the African revolutionary Amílcar Cabral: “Always remember that the people are not fighting for ideas, nor for what is in men’s minds. The people fight and accept the sacrifices demanded by the struggle in order to gain material advantages, to live better and in peace, to benefit from progress, and for the better future of their children.” The “irony” of Cuban migration Pérez repeatedly laments the “tragically ironic” US blockade; irony being a favorite word of the intelligentsia. He explains, the “irony” of the current record surge of Cuban migration is “not lost on informed observers,” such as himself: “Those sectors of the population most likely to constitute themselves as a political opposition [emphasis added] are often the very people most inclined to emigrate.” Cuban President Miguel Díaz-Canel provides context: “…we are the only country in the world for which a law was written, called the Cuban Adjustment Act, which guarantees the automatic entry into the US anyone who declares himself politically persecuted; this psychologically conditions an attitude of denial of the real causes for emigration, fundamentally economic and conditioned by the iron blockade of the same country that forces the emigrant to declare himself persecuted.” Pérez continues: “Ironic too…US policy serves to add to the woes of a people for whom emigration to the US offers the most immediate remedy to hardship.” However, the US policy of encouraging illegal immigration and preventing legal is not just ironic, it is deadly. “Land of the free” compared to Cuba For Pérez, the “most egregious failure of sanctions” is that they “encumber…legitimate political change” to some imagined liberal Shangri-La. So, what state in this hemisphere meets his lofty liberal litmus test? Could it be that “exceptional” land of the free where he resides? There’s no free lunch in the land of free where nearly one in four households experience food insecurity. Unlike Cuba, besieged by the blockade creating genuine shortages, the US has obscene wastage of massive food surpluses; an estimated 30-40 percent of the entire US food supply. Nor is there free higher education or medical care in the land of the free, which experienced an estimated 500,000 excess deaths during Biden’s first year in office. Despite the blockade, Cuba has not only provided these social benefits gratis, but has sent 42 medical brigades to 35 countries since the start of the pandemic. Meanwhile The Wall Street Journal carps: “Most poor countries put all hands on deck in this crisis. Havana exports its doctors.” The Cuban view of internationalism is that “we share what we have and not just what we have leftover.” Nor are politicians free in the land of the free, where every candidate comes with a price tag and running for office necessitates vast sums of money. Here, buying political influence is constitutionally protected as free speech and corporations are legally considered “people.” In contrast, Cuba stands out for its experiments to eliminate access to wealth as the determining success factor in running for political office. With its board chaired by the program director of the Rockefeller Brothers Fund, NACLA has a different ideological bias on what constitutes political democracy than Cuba, where housing, health care, and education are constitutionally considered human rights. Not a time for complacency After over six decades of imperialist siege against Cuba, only the elderly know life without sanctions. The agonizing material deprivation caused by the blockade, the endless shortages, the interminable standing in line for basic necessities of life, all have a corrosive effect on the moral fiber of the Cuban people subverting the spirit of socialist solidarity. Leftists worry about cascading effects to the entire region of the precarious situation in Cuba. Cuba solidarity activist W. T. Whitney warns: “Thanks to the US blockade, Cuba’s economic situation is more desperate than ever.” TeleSUR reports, “The Cuban economy continues to be gripped by rising tensions amid the tightened US embargo.” Political unrest is undeniably mounting as conditions deteriorate. For the first time, Cuba is facing social media penetration from the US, which has managed to mobilize certain sectors of the Cuban population against the revolution. As the US Peace Council cautioned: “No matter how heroic a people may be, socialism must provide for their material needs. The US blockade of Cuba is designed precisely to thwart that and to discredit socialism in Cuba and anywhere else where oppressed people try to better their lot…. Cuba is being attacked precisely because that small island nation promises a humane alternative to the decaying neoliberal order of present-day capitalism and its pending crisis of legitimacy. If a critical spotlight is needed, it is not on how the Cubans with so little should have done better, but on how the imperialists with so much must be defeated.” That Cuba has successfully not only persisted but has been an international model for the accomplishments of socialism does not mean that it will always be so. Cuba is a small resource poor island, defending socialism against a very powerful foe. The Cubans can resist, but socialist internationalist solidarity must support Cuba and compel the US to end the siege. This is not a time for complacency. -Roger D. Harris is with the human rights group Task Force on the Americas, founded in 1985. AuthorRoger D. Harris This article was republished from Marxism-Leninism Today. Archives November 2022 |
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