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9/8/2024 The firing of Grant Cooper & repression of Pro-Palestine advocacy: Echoes of McCarthyism By: Cassie SipeRead Now America isn’t as free as you think it is. In 1973, during the Cold War, Grant Cooper, a respected professor at the University of Little Rock Arkansas, was dismissed after asserting he taught history from a Marxist perspective and admitted to his membership in the Progressive Labor Party. His comments, published in the student paper and the Arkansas Democratic Gazette, led to significant backlash. The case, which reached the Arkansas Supreme Court, sparked a debate on academic freedom and political expression, paralleling the repression faced today by pro-Palestine advocates, and mirroring ongoing retaliation against dissenting views. A mixed reaction Though the University faculty sympathized with Cooper in the Cooper V Henslee case, the administration initially warned him to stop making such comments and to avoid teaching history from a Marxist perspective. After he refused and defended his position, the university informed him that his contract would not be renewed (due to public backlash) under the pretext of poor classroom performance and lack of publication, according to Randy Dixon. The dismissal sparked outrage among faculty and students alike, who saw it as a blatant violation of academic freedom. “This is a clear case of political persecution,” said one of Cooper’s colleagues. “Grant has been targeted not because of any wrongdoing, but because his views challenge the status quo.” Anti-communist politicians, including Representative Frank B. Henslee and several Arkansas state legislators, sued the University of Arkansas Little Rock Board of Trustees to enforce McCarthy-era laws that made advocating for the revolutionary overthrow of the government illegal. Under Act 401, Cooper was required to register with state police as a Communist. Fortunately, the ACLU intervened, arguing that his firing was unconstitutional. The Student Senate of Little Rock came out in support of Cooper. The students held rallies and solicited signatures on his behalf. Frustrated by the lengthy court process, Arkansas state legislator Bobby Glover threatened to enact legislation that would call for his removal. A healthy mix of McCarthyism & the Jim Crow South Act 401 of 1951, required communists and communist organizations advocating for the overthrow of the government to register with state police or face fines of up $50,000-$100,000 or a prison sentence of up to 6-24 months. Act 401 resembles pro-segregation laws from 1957-1959, such as Act 10, which targeted civil rights activists by requiring state employees to disclose their political affiliations, and Act 115 of 1958, which barred NAACP members from state jobs. Act 401 was not just a Cold War-era law as it set the standard for the broader effort to resist black civil rights in Arkansas. Coincidentally, Grant’s father (Grant William Cooper) was pivotal in Cooper v. Aaron, a 1958 civil rights case challenging Arkansas’s defiance of the Supreme Court’s desegregation mandate from Brown v. Board of Education. As a result, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled against the state, reaffirming desegregation and upholding the Brown decision. The Act 401 laws restricting free speech were eventually struck down. In the 1975 case Cooper v. Henslee, the Arkansas Supreme Court overturned a previous decision mandating Cooper’s dismissal, ruling that the 1941 Anti-Communist Act violated Cooper’s First and Fourteenth Amendment rights. Although Cooper won the case, he did not return to teaching at UA Little Rock but received back pay through the end of his contract on May 30, 1975. This ruling, along with William Grant Cooper’s anti-segregation efforts, secured the Cooper family’s place in Arkansas history, albeit a lesser known history. But Grant Cooper’s saga is but one Arkansas-based link in a long chain of governmental suppression of anti-imperialists and dissenting views. Suppression of Palestine advocates & McCarthyism: A modern parallel Walt Disney, a staunch anti-communist, accused members of the Screen Cartoonists Guild of being communist agitators in retaliation for the 1941 Disney animators’ strike, leading to their blacklisting. Later, in 1946, an article titled “A Vote for Joe Stalin” fueled anti-communist hysteria in Hollywood, prompting unions to crack down on suspected communists. Dalton Trumbo, a member of the “Hollywood Ten,” was blacklisted after refusing to testify before HUAC in 1947, forcing him to write under pseudonyms for years. The Hollywood Ten were held in contempt of Congress, and their appeals were denied by the Supreme Court, leading to prison sentences. Arthur Miller, the renowned playwright and ex-husband of Marilyn Monroe faced scrutiny due to his 1954 passport invalidation over suspected Communist ties, leading to a subpoena. Monroe and Miller were introduced to each other by Elia Kazan, himself a target of HUAC. Accompanied by Monroe, Miller testified in June 1956, accusing the committee of exploiting their relationship, which complicated their wedding plans (which took place 4 days later.) He was charged with contempt of Congress for refusing to name others before HUAC. Despite these pressures, Miller continued to work openly, unlike Dalton Trumbo. However, Trumbo’s career was revived when Kirk Douglas publicly credited him as the screenwriter of “Spartacus,” a pivotal moment in ending the Hollywood blacklist. Current reprisals against pro-Palestinian advocates mirror the tactics used during the Red Scare and Lavender Scare, when Hollywood studios weaponized morality clauses and the HUAC to target communists and gays in the entertainment industry. For example, a top talent agent at CAA, Maha Dakhil, was initially forced to step down due to her Instagram post in support of Palestine. She had posted an image with the phrase, “What’s more heartbreaking than witnessing genocide? Witnessing the denial that genocide is happening.” In another post, she wrote, “You’re currently learning who supports genocide.” She added in the caption, “That’s the line for me.” Without Tom Cruise’s public backing, she likely would have been blacklisted. Susan Sarandon was dropped by her agency, UTA, following her remarks at a pro-Palestine rally, where she stated, “There are many people currently afraid of being Jewish and experiencing what it feels like to be Muslim in this country.” Similarly, Melissa Barrera of the Scream franchise was notably dismissed from Scream VII last year after calling for a ceasefire and posting on Instagram, “I too come from a colonized country,” with a Mexican flag and the message, “Palestine WILL be free.” These incidents highlight Hollywood’s authoritarian tendencies in suppressing dissenting voices, which contradicts the conservative narrative that conflates the culture wars with “Marxism.” In reality, Hollywood’s “woke” ideology is heavily influenced by the state, Fortune 500 companies and capitalist billionaires. The reported plans of studio executives waiting for strikers to “bleed out/lose their apartments” in response to last summer’s SAG-AFTRA strike further illustrates their depravity and callousness. Reprisals against working class Palestine advocates Many celebrities are cautious about their public statements due to endorsement deals, but the working class, unlike celebrities, typically only represent themselves, making repression in academia and media especially troubling. Despite expectations of free expression at public universities, retaliatory actions still occur. Prior to Israel’s attack on Gaza, Marc Lamont Hill used the phrase “From the river to the sea, Palestine will be free” in a 2018 UN speech. After backlash from the ADL he was fired from CNN. The ADL has deemed the phrase “antisemitic” and as “inciting violence.” In Texas, teacher Bahia Amawi was fired for refusing to sign an anti-BDS oath, barring her from working in public schools. Currently, 25 U.S. states have anti-BDS laws prohibiting state contracts/employment with those supporting the boycott of Israel, including Arkansas. Over the past ten months, several individuals were dismissed for being “hateful,” though only a few were genuinely fired for celebrating violence or making hateful remarks about the Gaza conflict. Lawyer Gabe Roberts explained to MarketWatch, “There is nothing inherently protected about political views, whether you’re a Trump supporter or a Biden supporter. Could you be fired for supporting Israel, and could you be fired for supporting Palestine? That question is tricky.” The great Israel-Palestine cease-fires Supporters of Palestine have faced dismissals for taking a stand. Danny Shaw, a former professor at John Jay College, was terminated after a pro-Palestine speech due to a harassment campaign that pressured the university. Shaw, who was doxxed and threatened, expressed support for other dismissed professors, including Lisa Hofman Kurda from CUNY and Jairo Funez-Flores and Shellyne Rodriguez from Texas Tech University. In another incident, multiple UT-Austin teaching assistants were dismissed after sharing mental health resources for Arab students affected by the war. In Israel, high school teacher Meir Baruchin was arrested, fired, and held in solitary confinement for four days over Facebook posts intended to “humanize” Palestinians. He was accused of “intention to commit treason.” Baruchin later won a lawsuit against the Ministry of Education and the municipality, securing the right to return to his school, but has not returned due to ongoing threats and abuse. In a notable case, Briahna Joy Gray was fired from The Hill for rolling her eyes at a relative of an Israeli hostage who asked her to condemn Hamas based on debunked rape claims. Similarly, Michael Eisen, a Jewish editor, was dismissed from eLife after retweeting an article from The Onion titled “Dying Gazans Criticized For Not Using Last Words to Condemn Hamas,” (despite his consistent condemnation of the group.) His dismissal followed a campaign by Israeli writers at the publication. Benjamin Neel, an Israel supporter, was also dismissed from NYU Langone for retweeting posts critical of Hamas, though his comments were mild compared to the vitriol seen from major Zionist accounts. Government employees have also been targeted. Miguel Sanchez, a city council worker, was dismissed by the Governor for attending a pro-Palestine rally and retweeting pro-Palestine posts. House Speaker Mike Johnson called for the firing of federal workers who participated in “walkout” strike, in protest of US policy on Israel in relation to Gaza. In the UK, MP Paul Bristow was dismissed after urging Rishi Sunak to implement ceasefire policies in an open letter. Policies silencing journalists Discussing cases where pro-Palestine supporters were terminated from their jobs, Jackie Esmonde of Cavalluzzo Law Firm in Canada explained her firm was actively working on 8-10 cases on the matter. “I’m not seeing people making what I would consider hate speech or discriminatory speech.” Companies can legally dismiss employees for political speech if they have a social media policy against discussing controversial topics or if employees are under “at-will” contracts, allowing termination at any time. The BBC suspended six reporters for liking and posting pro-Palestine tweets and referring to October 7th as a “morning of hope,” following accusations of bias from a pro-Israel group. Similarly, former AP journalist , Emily Wilder was dismissed for criticizing the media’s portrayal of Palestinian genocide. The Associated Press acknowledged that its social media policy prohibits such criticism, stating that “employees must refrain from declaring their views on contentious public issues in any public forum.” An ex-ABC journalist, Antoinette Lattouf was fired for reposting Human Rights Watch and UNICEF content about Israel, ABC cited its social media policy, which prohibits employees from “damaging the ABC’s reputation for impartiality and independence.” However, it is unclear how her actions compromised their impartiality; her dismissal may have, in fact, harmed their reputation for impartiality. Palestinian journalist Zahraa Al-Akhrass was fired from Global News on similar grounds. The CBC barred reporters who signed a petition calling for objective coverage of the conflict from covering the issue. The CBC spokesperson emphasized the outlet was creating “editorial distance between signatories (of the letter) and our daily coverage for the near future.” Former CTV reporter Yara Jamal was fired for her comments about Zionism. These incidents illustrate how journalists are often dismissed for political speech, under the guise of violating social media policies. Lawyers note that political speech is not protected under Title VII of the Civil Rights Act for private sector employees. Additionally, anti-BDS laws show that government restrictions on political speech also exist. While states like New York, California, and the District of Columbia prohibit discrimination based on political speech, individuals in these states have still faced termination. The ongoing crackdown on the speech of teachers, journalists, and the working class in America is a troubling trend, consistent throughout history. Only by addressing this issue and steadfastly defending free expression can we hope to effect meaningful change. “Real patriots advocate a freedom of speech and freedom of ideas in the major media that would include dissident Left views as well as the usual right-wing and conventional opinions we are constantly exposed to.” –Michael Parenti AuthorCassie Sipe writes about foreign policy, geopolitics and international trade. Find her on her Substack and on RevolutionReport.org. This article was originally published by Arkansas Worker. Archives September 2024
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